V. The conversion of the Jews seemed at a stand in this century; for few or none of tha obstinate nation embraced the Gospel in cons quence of an inward conviction of its truth, though in many places they were barbarously compelled, by the Christians, to make an out man_nations,* and persevered in these pious|| monks, desirous of rule and authority, concealand useful labours until his death, which hap-ed their vices under the mask of religion, and pened in 615. St. Gal, who was one of his endured for a time the austerities of a rigid companions, preached the Gospel to the Hel- mortification and abstinence, merely with a vetii, and the Suevi. St. Kilian set out from view to rise to the episcopal dignity. Scotland, the place of his nativity, and exercised the ministerial function with such success among the eastern Franks, that vast numbers of them embraced Christianity. Toward the conclusion of this century, the famous Willebrod, by birth an Anglo-Saxon, accompanied with eleven of his countrymen, viz. Suidbert, Wig-ward and feigned profession of their faith in bert, Acca, Wilibald, Unibald, Lebwin, the two Christ. The emperor Heraclius, incensed Ewalds, Werenfrid, Marcellin, and Adalbert, against that miserable people by the insinuacrossed over into Batavia, which lay opposite to tions, as it is said, of the Christian doctors, perBritain, in order to convert the Friselanders to secuted them in a cruel manner, and ordered the religion of Jesus. Hence, in 692, they went multitudes of them to be inhumanly dragged into Fosteland, which most writers look upon into the Christian churches, in order to be bapto have been the same with the isle of Heligo- tized by violence and compulsion.* The same land, or Heilgiland; but, being cruelly treated odious method of converting was practised in there by Radbod, king of the Friselanders, who Spain and Gaul, by the monarchs of those naput Wigbert, one of the company, to death, they || tions, against which even the bishops of Rome departed thence for Cimbria, and the adjacent expressed their displeasure and indignation. parts of Denmark. They, however, returned Such were the horrid and abominable practo Friseland in 693, and were much more suc- tices to which an ignorance of the true spirit cessful than they had formerly been in oppos- of Christianity, and the barbarous genius of ing the ancient superstitions, and propagating this age, led the heralds of that divine religion, the knowledge of divine truth. Willebrod was which was designed to spread abroad charity ordained, by the Roman pontiff, archbishop of upon earth, and to render mankind truly and Wilteburg, now Utrecht, and died among the rationally free. Batavians in a good old age, while his associates continued to spread the light of the Gospel among the Westphalians and the neighbouring nations.§ CHAPTER II. Concerning the calamitous Events that happened to the Church during this Century. I. THE Christians suffered less in this, than in the preceding centuries. They were sometimes persecuted by the Persian monarchs, but ususally recovered their former tranquillity after transitory scenes of violence and opprestion. In England, the new converts to Christianity suffered various calamities under the petty kings, who governed in those boisterous times; but these kings embraced the Gospel themselves, and then the sufferings of the Chris IV. These voyages, and many others, undertaken in the cause of Christ, carry, no doubt, a specious appearance of piety and zeal; but the impartial and attentive inquirer after truth will find it impossible to form the same favourable judgment of them all, or to applaud, without distinction, the motives that animated these laborious missionaries. That the designs of some of them were truly pious, and their characters without reproach, is unquestionably certain; but it is equally certain, that this was not the case of them all, or even of the great-tians ceased. In the eastern countries, and parest part of them. Many of them discovered, in the course of their ministry, the most turbulent passions, and dishonoured the glorious cause in which they were engaged, by their arrogance and ambition, their avarice and cruelty. They abused the power which they had received from the Roman pontiffs, of forming religious establishments among the superstitious nations; and, instead of gaining souls to Christ, they usurped a despotic dominion over their obsequious proselytes, and exercised a princely authority over the countries where their ministry had been successful. Nor are we to consider, as entirely groundless, the suspicions of those who allege that many of the|| *Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. Ordinis Benedicti, tom. ii. iii.-Adaman. lib. iii. de S. Columbano, in Canisii Lection. Antiq. tom. i. Walafridi Strabonis Vit. S. Galli in Actis S. Ord. Alcuini Vita Willebrodi in Mabillon, Act. SS. Ord. ticularly in Syria and Palestine, the Jews, at certain times, attacked the Christians with a merciless fury, but with so little success, that they always had reason to repent of their temerity, which was severely chastised. It is true, the church had other enemies, even those who, under the treacherous profession of Christianity, were laying secret schemes for the restoration of Paganism; but they were too weak and too inconsiderable to form any attempts that could endanger the Christian cause. II. But a new and most powerful enemy to the Christian cause started up in Arabia in 612, under the reign of Heraclius. This was Mahomet, or Mohammed, an illiterate man,‡ but * Eutychii Annales Eccles. Alexandr. tom. ii. p. 212. Eutychii Annales, tom. ii. p. 236. Jo. Henr. Hottingeri Historia Orientalis, lib. i. cap. iii. 129. p. Mohammed himself expressly declared, that he was totally ignorant of all branches of learning and science, and was even unable either to write or read: and his followers have drawn from this ignorance an argument in favour of the divinity of his mission, and of the religion he taught. It is, however, scarcely credible, that his ignorance was such as it is here described; and several of trusted to, as their historians are destitute of veracity and candour; they conceal the vices and enormities of their chief, and represent him as the most divine person that ever appeared upon earth, and as the best gift of God to the of his life, indeed, the part of it that would be the most proper to lead us to a true knowledge of his character, and of the motives from which he acted, is absolutely unknown. It is highly probable, that he was so deeply affected with the odious and abominable superstition which dishonoured his country, that it threw him into a certain fanatical disorder of mind, and made him really imagine that he was supernaturally commissioned to reform the religion of the Arabians, and to restore among them the worship of one God. It is, however, at the same time, undoubtedly evident, that, when he saw his enterprise crowned with the desired success, he made use of impious frauds to es endowed by nature with the most flowing and attractive eloquence, and with a vast and penetrating genius,* distinguished also by the advantages he enjoyed from the place of his birth, which added a lustre to his name and his undertakings. This adventurous impostor pub-world. Add to this, that a considerable part licly declared, that he was commissioned by God to destroy polytheism and idolatry, and then to reform, first the religion of the Arabians, and afterwards the Jewish and Christian worship. For these purposes he delivered a new law, which is known by the name of the Koran, i. e. the book, by way of eminence;† and,|| having gained several victories over his enemies, he compelled an incredible multitude of persons, both in Arabia and the neighbouring nations, to receive his doctrine, and range themselves under his standard. Elate with this rapid and unexpected success, he greatly extended his ambitious views, and formed the vast and arduous project of founding an empire. Here again success crowned his adven-tablish the work he had so happily begun, deturous efforts; and his plan was executed with such intrepidity and impudence, that he died master of all Arabia, beside several adjacent provinces. luded the giddy and credulous multitude by various artifices, and even forged celestial visions to confirm his authority, and remove the difficulties that frequently arose in the course of his affairs. This mixture of imposture is by no means incompatible with a spirit of enthusiasm; for the fanatic, through the unguided warmth of zeal, looks often upon the artifices that are useful to his cause as pious and acceptable to the Supreme Being, and therefore de III. It is, perhaps, impossible, at this time, to form such an accurate judgment of the character, views, and conduct of Mohammed, as would entirely satisfy the curiosity of a sagacious inquirer after truth. To give entire credit to the Grecian writers in this matter, is neither prudent nor safe, since their bitter receives when he can do it with impunity.* The sentment against this hostile invader led them to invent, without scruple or hesitation, fables and calumnies.to blacken his character. The Arabians, on the other hand, are as little to be his sect have called in question the declarations of their chief relating to this point. See Chardin's Voyages en Perse, tom. iv. If we consider that he carried on, for a considerable time, a successful commerce in Arabia and the adjacent countries, this alone will convince us, that he must have been, in some measure, instructed in the arts of reading, writing, and arithmetic, with the knowledge of which a merchant cannot dispense. *The writers, to whom we are indebted for the accounts of the life and religion of Mohammed, are enumerated by Fabricius, in his Delectus et Syllabus Argumentorum, pro Veritate Religionis Christianæ; to which we may add Boulainvilliers' Vie de Mahomet, published at London in 1730, which, however, deserves rather the character of a romance, than of a history; Gagnier's Vie de Mahomet, printed at Amsterdam in 1732, and commendable both for the learning and candour with which it appears to have been composed; and, above all, the learned and judicious Sale's Preliminary Discourse, prefixed to his English translation of the Koran, sect. ii. p. 37. For an account of the Koran, see principally Sale's preface. See also Vertot's Discours sur l'Alcoran, subjoined to the third volume of his History of the Knights of Malta, and Chardin's Voyages en Perse, tom. ii. p. 281. The book which the Mohammedans call the Koran, is composed of several papers and discourses of the impostor, which were discovered and collected after his death, and is by no means that same law whose excellence he vaunted so highly. That some parts of the true Koran may be copied in the modern one, is indeed very possible; but that the Koran, or Law, given by Mohammed to the Arabians, is entirely distinct from the modern Koran, is manifest from this, that, in the latter, he appeals to, and extols the former, and therefore they must be two different compositions. May it not be conjectured, that the true Koran was an Arabic poem, which he recited to his followers without giving it to them in writing, ordering them only to commit it to memory? Such were the laws of the Druids in Gaul and Britain, and such also those of the Indians, which the Bramins receive by oral tradition, and get by heart. religion which Mohammed taught, is certainly different from what it would have been, if he had met with no opposition in the propagation of his opinions. The difficulties he had to encounter obliged him to yield, in some respects, to the reigning systems; the obstinate attachment of the Arabians to the religion of their ancestors, on one hand, and the fond hope of gaining over to his cause both the Jews and Christians on the other, engaged, no doubt, this fanatical impostor to admit into his system several tenets, which he would have rejected without hesitation, had he been free from the restraints of ambition and artifice. IV. The rapid success which attended the propagation of this new religion, was produced by causes that are plain and evident, and must remove, or rather prevent our surprise, when they are attentively considered. The terror of Mohammed's arms, and the repeated victories which were gained by him and his successors, were, without doubt, the irresistible argument that persuaded such multitudes to embrace his religion, and submit to his dominion. Besides, his law was artfully and wonderfully adapted to the corrupt nature of man, and, in a more particular manner, to the manners and opinions of the eastern nations, and the vices to which they were naturally addicted; for the articles of faith which it proposed were few in number, and extremely simple; and the duties it re * This, perhaps, is the best way of adjusting the controversy that has been carried on by some learned men upon this curious question, whether Mohammed was a fanatic or an impostor. See Bayle's Dictionary; also Ockley's Conquest of Syria, Persia, and Egypt, by the Saracens, vol. i.; and Sale's Preface to his Translation of the Koran, sect. ii. || quired were neither many nor difficult, nor such rated by degrees into severity; and they treated as were incompatible with the empire of appe- the Christians, at length, rather like slaves tites and passions.* It is to be observed far- than citizens, loading them with insupportable ther, that the gross ignorance, under which the taxes, and obliging them to submit to a variety Arabians, Syrians, Persians, and the greatest of vexatious and oppressive measures. part of the eastern nations, laboured at this VI. The progress, however, of this triumtime, rendered many an easy prey to the arti-phant sect received a considerable check by the fice and eloquence of this bold adventurer. civil dissensions which arose among them imTo these causes of the progress of the Moham-mediately after the death of Mohammed.medan faith, we may add the bitter dissensions Abubeker and Ali, the former the father-inand cruel animosities that reigned among the law, and the latter the son-in-law, of this preChristian sects, particularly the Greeks, Nes- tended prophet, aspired to succeed him in the torians, Eutychians, and Monophysites, dissen- empire which he had erected. Upon this arose sions that filled a great part of the east with a tedious and cruel contest, whose flame reachcarnage, assassinations, and such detestable ed to succeeding ages, and produced that enormities, as rendered the very name of Chris- schism which divided the Mohammedans into tianity odious to many. We might add here, two great factions, whose separation not only that the Monophysites and Nestorians, full of gave rise to a variety of opinions and rites, but resentment against the Greeks, from whom also excited the most implacable hatred and they had suffered the bitterest and most inju- the most deadly animosities. Of these factions, rious treatment, assisted the Arabians in the one acknowledged Abubeker as the true khalif, conquest of several provinces, into which, or successor of Mohammed, and its members consequently, the religion of Mohammed was were distinguished by the name of Sonnites; afterwards introduced. Other causes of the while the other adhered to Ali, and received sudden progress of that religion, will naturally the appellation of Shiites.* Both, however, occur to such as consider attentively its spirit adhered to the Koran as a divine law, and as and genius, and the state of the world at that the rule of faith and manners; to which, intime. deed, the former added, by way of interpretation, the sonna, i. e. a certain law which they looked upon as derived from Mohammed by oral tradition, and which the Shiites refused to admit. Among the Sonnites, or followers of Abubeker, we are to reckon the Turks, Tartars, Arabians, Africans, and the greatest part of the Indian Moslems; whereas the Persians, and the subjects of the great Mogul, are generally considered as the followers of Ali; though the latter indeed seem rather to observe a strict neutrality in this contest. V. After the death of the pseudo-prophet, which happened in 632, his followers, led on by an amazing intrepidity and a fanatical fury, and assisted, as we have already observed, by those Christians whom the Greeks had treated with such severity, extended their conquests beyond the limits of Arabia, and subdued Syria, Persia, Egypt, and other countries. On the other hand, the Greeks, exhausted with civil discord, and wholly occupied by intestine troubles, were unable to stop these intrepid conquerors in their rapid career. Beside these two grand factions, there are several subordinate sects among the Moslems, which dispute with warmth upon several points of religion, though without violating the rules of mutual toleration. Of these sects there are four, which far surpass the rest in point of reputation and importance. For some time these enthusiastic invaders used their prosperity with moderation, and treated the Christians, particularly those who rejected the decrees of the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, with the utmost indulgence and lenity. But, as an uninterrupted course of success and prosperity renders, too generally, corrupt mortals insolent and imperious, so the moderation of this victorious sect degene-74, * See Reland, de Religione Mahumedica; also Sale's Preliminary Discourse. † See Ockley's Conquest of Syria, Persia, and Egypt, by the Saracens. *See Reland, de Religione Turcica, lib. i. p. 36, 70, 85; and Chardin's Voyages en Perse, tom. ii. p. 236. For an account of the Mohammedan sects, see Hottingeri Histor. Orient. lib. ii. cap. vi. P. 340.-Ricaut's Etat de l'Empire Ottoman, liv. ii. p. 242.-Chardin's Voyages en Perse, tom. ii.; and Sale's Preliminary Dis course, sect. viii. PART II. THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. Concerning the State of Letters and Philosophy ed with the productions of this barbarous po that yet survived, were, a few particular cases riod. Any remains of learning and philosophy excepted, to be found principally among the I. NOTHING can equal the ignorance and Latins, in the obscure retreats of cloistered darkness that reigned in this century; the most monks. The monastic institutions prohibited impartial and accurate account of which will the election of any abbot to the government appear incredible to those who are unacquaint-||of a convent, who was not a man of learning, extolled in this illiterate age, that its author was called, by the rest of the bishops, the true salt of the earth, and a divine light that was sent to illuminate the world.* Many such in or, at least, endowed with some share of the erudition of the times. The monks were obliged to consecrate certain hours every day to reading and study: and, that they might improve this appointment to the most advantage-stances of the ignorance and barbarity of this ous purposes, there were, in most of the monasteries, stated times marked out, at which they were to assemble, in order to communicate to each other the fruits of their studies, and to discuss the matters upon which they had been reading.* The youth also, who were destined for the service of the church, were obliged to prepare themselves for their ministry by a diligent application to study; and in this they were directed by the monks, one of whose prin cipal occupations it was to preside over the education of the rising priesthood. century will occur to those who have any acquaintance with the writers it produced. England, it is true, was happier in this respect than the other nations of Europe, which was principally owing to Theodore of Tarsus, of whom we shall have occasion to speak afterwards, who was appointed archbishop of Canterbury, and contributed much to introduce, among the English, a certain taste for literary pursuits, and to excite in that kingdom a zeal for the advancement of learning.t III. In Greece, the fate of the sciences was It must, however, be acknowledged, that all truly lamentable. A turgid eloquence, and an these institutions were of little use to the ad-affected pomp and splendour of style, which vancement of solid learning, or of rational cast a perplexing obscurity over subjects in theology, because very few in those days were themselves the most clear and perspicuous, now acquainted with the true nature of the liberal || formed the highest point of perfection to which arts and sciences, or with the important ends both prose writers and poets aspired. The which they were adapted to serve; and the Latin eloquence was still very considerably begreatest part of those who were looked upon low that of the Greeks; it had not spirit enough as learned men, threw away their time in read-even to be turgid, and, a few compositions exing the marvellous lives of a parcel of fanati- cepted, it had sunk to the very lowest degree cal saints, instead of employing it in the peru- of barbarity and corruption. Both the Greek sal of well-chosen and excellent authors. They, and Latin writers, who attempted historical who distinguished themselves most by their compositions, degraded most miserably that taste and genius, carried their studies little far-important science. Moschus and Sophronius ther than the works of Augustin and Gregory the Great; and it was of scraps collected out of these two writers, and patched together without much uniformity, that the best productions of this century were composed. II. The sciences enjoyed no degree of protection, at this time, from kings and princes; nor did they owe any thing to men of high and eminent stations in the empire. On the other hand, the schools which had been committed to the care and inspection of the bishops, whose ignorance and indolence were now become enormous, began to decline apace, and had, in many places, fallen into ruin. The bishops in general were so illiterate, that few of them were capable of composing the discourses which they delivered to the people. Such prelates as were not totally destitute of genius composed, out of the writings of Augustin and Gregory, a certain number of insipid homilies, which they divided between themselves and their stupid colleagues, that they might not be obliged through incapacity to discontinue preaching the doctrines of Christianity to the people, as appears from the examples of Cæsarius bishop of Arles, and Eloi bishop of Noyon. There is yet extant a summary of theological doctrine, which was unskilfully compiled by Taion bishop of Saragossa, from the writings of Augustin and Gregory; and which was so highly * Mabillon, Acta Sanct. Ord. Benedicti, tom. ii. p. 479, 513. Histoire Literaire de la France, tom. iii. p. 428. In the original we read Eligius Noviomagensis, which is a mistake either of the author, or printer. It is probable that Noviomagensis slipped from the pen of Dr. Mosheim, in the place of Noviodunensis; for Eloi was bishop of Noyon, and not of Nimeguen. VOL. I.-29 among the former; and among the latter Braulio, Jonas an Hibernian, Audoenus, Dado, and Adamannus, wrote the lives of several saints, or rather a heap of insipid and ridiculous fables, void of the least air of probability, and || without the smallest tincture of eloquence. The Greeks related, without discernment or choice, the most vulgar reports that were handed about concerning the events of ancient times: and hence arose that multitude of absurd fables, which the Latins afterwards copied from them with the utmost avidity. IV. Among the Latins philosophy was at its lowest ebb. If there were any that-retained some faint reluctance to abandon it entirely, such confined their studies to the writings of Boethius and Cassiodorus, from which they committed to memory a certain number of phrases and sentences; and that was all their philosophical stock. The Greeks, abandoning Plato to the monks, gave themselves entirely up to the direction of Aristotle, and studied, with eagerness, the subtilties of his logic, which were of signal use in the controversies carried on between the Monophysites, the Nestorians, and Monothelites. All these different sects called the Stagirite to their assistance, when they were to plead their cause, and to defend their doctrines. Hence it was that James, bishop of Edessa, who was a Monophysite, translated, in this century, the dialectics of Aristotle into the Syriac language.‡ * Mabillon, Aualecta veteris Ævi, tom. ii. 77. p. Conringii Antiquitat. Academicæ, p. 277. t Wilkins' Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ, tom. i. P. 42. 498. See Assemani Biblioth. Oriental. Vatican. tom. 1. p CHAPTER II. Concerning the Doctors and Ministers of the Church, and its Form of Government during this Century. I. THE disputes about pre-eminence, that had so long subsisted between the bishops of Rome and Constantinople, proceeded, in this century, to such violent lengths, as laid the foundation of that deplorable schism, which afterwards separated the Greek and Latin churches. The most learned writers, and those who are most remarkable for their knowledge of antiquity, are generally agreed that Boniface III. engaged Phocas, that abominable tyrant, who waded to the imperial throne through the blood of the emperor Mauritius, to take from the bishop of Constantinople the title of œcumenical or universal bishop, and to confer it upon the Roman pontiff. They relate this, however, upon the sole authority of Baronius; for none of the ancient writers have mentioned it. If, indeed, we are to give credit to Anastasius and Paul the Deacon,* something like what we have now related was transacted by Phocas: for, when the bishops of Constantinople maintained that their church was not only equal in dignity and authority to that of Rome, but also the head of all the Christian churches, this tyrant opposed their pretensions, and granted the pre-eminence to the church of Rome: and thus was the papal supremacy first introduced. II. The Roman pontiffs used all sorts of methods to maintain and enlarge the authority and pre-eminence which they had acquired by a grant from the most odious tyrant that ever disgraced the annals of history. We find, however, in the most authentic accounts of the transactions of this century, that not only several emperors and princes, but also whole nations, opposed the ambitious views of the bishops of Rome. The Byzantine history, and the Formulary of Marculfus, contain many proofs of the influence which the civil magistrate yet retained in religious matters, and of the subordination of the Roman pontiffs to the regal authority. It is true, the Roman writers affirm, that Constantine Pogonatus abdicated the privilege of confirming, by his approbation, the election of the bishop of that city; and, as a proof of this, they allege a passage of Anastasius, in which it is said, that according to an edict of Pogonatus, the pontiff, who should be elected, was to be ordained immediately, and without the least delay. But every one must see, that this passage is insufficient to prove what these writers assert with such confidence. It is however certain, that this emperor abated, some say remitted, the sum which, from the time of Theodoric, the bishops of Rome had been obliged to pay to the imperial treasury before they could be ordained, or have their election confirmed.‡ *Anastasius, de vitis Pontificum. Paul. Diacon. de rebus gestis Longobard. lib. iv. cap. xxxvii. apud Muratorii Scriptor. rerum Italicar. tom. i. p. 465. Anastasii vit. Pontif. in Bened. p. 146, in Muratorii Scriptor. rerum Italicar. tom. iii. Anastas. vit. Pontif. in Agathone, p. 144, compared with Mascovii Hist. German. tom. ii. p. 121, in the an The ancient Britons and Scots persisted long in the maintenance of their religious liberty; and neither the threats nor promises of the legates of Rome could engage them to submit to the decrees and authority of the ambitious pontiff, as appears manifestly from the testimony of Bede. The churches of Gaul and Spain attributed as much authority to the bishop of Rome, as they thought suitable to their own dignity, and consistent with their interests: even in Italy, his supreme authority was obstinately rejected, since the bishop of Ravenna, and other prelates, refused an impli cit submission to his orders. Beside all this, multitudes of private persons expressed publicly, and without the least hesitation, their abhorrence of the vices, and particularly of the lordly ambition of the Roman pontiffs: and it is highly probable, that the Valdenses or Vaudois had already, in this century, retired into the valleys of Piedmont, that they might be more at liberty to oppose the tyranny of those imperious prelates.f III. The progress of vice, among the subordinate rulers and ministers of the church, was at this time truly deplorable: neither bishops, presbyters, deacons, nor even the cloistered monks, were exempt from the general contagion, as appears from the unanimous confession of all the writers of this century that are worthy of credit. In those very places, that were consecrated to the advancement of piety, and the service of God, there was little to be seen but spiritual ambition, insatiable avarice, pious frauds, intolerable pride, and a supercilious contempt of the natural rights of the people, with many other vices still more enormous. There reigned also in many places the most bitter dissensions between the bishops and the monks. The former had employed the greedy hands of the latter to augment the episcopal treasure, and to draw the contributions from all parts to support them in their luxury, and the indulgence of their lusts. The monks perceiving this, and also unwilling to serve the bishops in such a dishonourable character, fled for refuge to the emperors and princes, under whose civil jurisdiction they lived; and afterwards, for their farther security, had recourse to the protection of the Roman pontiff. This protection they readily obtained; and the imperious pontiffs, always fond of exerting their authority, exempted, by degrees, the monastic orders from the jurisdiction of the bishops. The monks, in return for this important service, de|| voted themselves wholly to advance the interests, and to maintain the dignity of the bishop notations. It will not be improper to observe here, that by the same edict, which diminished the ordinationmoney paid by the bishops of Rome to the emperor, Constantine resumed the power of confirming the election of the pope, which his predecessors had invested in the exarchs of Ravenna; so that the bishop elect was not to be ordained till his election was notified to the court of Constantinople, and the imperial decree confirming it was received by the electors at Rome. See Anastasius, in his life of Agatho. * See Geddes' Miscellaneous Tracts, tom. ii. p. 6. + See Antoine Leger's Histoire des Eglises Vaudoises, liv. i. p. 15. See Launoii Assertio Inquisitionis in Chartam Immunitatis S. Germani, op. tom. iii. par. i. p. 50. Baluzii Miscellan. tom. ii. p. 159; tom. iv. p. 108. Muratorii Antiq. Italic. tom. ii. p. 944, 949. |