CHAPTER II. Concerning the Calamitous Events which happened to the Church during this Century. I. Ir has been already observed, that the Goths, Heruli, Franks, Huns, and Vandals, with other fierce and warlike nations, for the most part strangers to Christianity, had invaded the Roman empire, and rent it asunder in the most deplorable manner. Amidst these calamities, the Christians were grievous (we may venture to say, the principal) sufferers. It is true, these savage nations were much more intent upon the acquisition of wealth and dominion, than upon the propagation or support of the pagan superstitions; nor did their cruelty and opposition to the Christians arise from any religious principle, or from an enthusiastic desire to ruin the cause of Christianity; it was merely by the instigation of the Pagans who remained yet in the empire, that they were excited to treat with such severity and violence the followers of Christ. The painful consideration of their abrogated rites, and the hopes of recovering their former liberty and privileges by the means of their new masters, induced the worshippers of the gods to seize with avidity every opportunity of inspiring them with the most bitter aversion to the Christians. Their endeavours, however, were without the desired effect, and their expectations were entirely disappointed. The greatest part of these barbarians embraced Christianity, though it be also true, that, in the beginning of their usurpations, the professors of that religion suffered heavily under the rigour of their government. from the government of the universe. Against these phrenetic infidels, Salvian wrote his book concerning the divine government. III. Hitherto we have given only a general view of the sufferings of the Christians; it is, however, proper, that we should enter into a more distinct and particular account of those misfortunes. In Gaul, and the neighbouring provinces, the Goths and Vandals (whose cruel and sacrilegious soldiery respected neither the majesty of religion, nor the rights of humanity) committed acts of barbarity and violence against a multitude of Christians. In Britain, a long series of tumults and divisions involved the Christians in many troubles. When the affairs of the Romans declined in that country, the Britons were tormented by the Picts and Scots, nations remarkable for their violence and ferocity. Hence, after many sufferings and disasters, they chose, in 445, Vortigern for their king. This prince, finding himself too weak to make head against the enemies of his country, called the Anglo-Saxons from Germany to his aid, about the year 449. The consequences of this measure were pernicious; and it soon appeared, that the warriors, who came as auxiliaries into Britain, oppressed it with calamities more grievous than those which it had suffered from its enemies; for the Saxons aimed at nothing less than to subdue the ancient inhabitants of the country, and to reduce the whole island under their dominion. Hence a most bloody and obstinate war arose between the Britons and Saxons, which, after having been carried on, during a hundred and thirty years, with various success, ended in the final defeat of the Britons, who were at length constrained to seek a retreat in Wales. During these commotions, the state of the British church was deplorable beyond expression; it was almost totally overwhelmed and extinguished by the Anglo-Saxons, who adhered to the worship of the gods, and put an immense number of Christians to the most cruel deaths.* II. To destroy the credit of the Gospel, and to excite the hatred of the multitude against the Christians, the Pagans took occasion, from the calamities and tumults which distracted the empire, to renew the obsolete complaint of their ancestors against Christianity, as the source of these complicated woes. They alleged, that, before the coming of Christ, the world was blessed with peace and prosperity; but that, since the progress of his religion every where, the gods, filled with indignation to see their worship neglected and their altars abandoned, had visited the earth with those plagues and desolations, which increased every day. This feeble objection was entirely removed by Augustin, in his book de Civitate Dei; a work exceedingly rich and ample in point of matter, and filled with the most profound and diversi-guished soon after its commencement. fied erudition. It also drew a complete confutation from the learned pen of Orosius, who, in a history written expressly for that purpose, showed, with the strongest evidence, that not only the same calamities now complained of, but also plagues of a much more dreadful kind,|| had afflicted mankind before the Christian religion appeared in the world. IV. In Persia, the Christians suffered grievously by the imprudent zeal of Abdas, bishop of Susa, who pulled down the Pyræum, which was a temple dedicated to fire; for, when this obstinate prelate was ordered by the king (Yezdejird) to rebuild that temple, he refused to comply; for which he was put to death in 414, and the churches of the Christians were demolished. This persecution was not, however, of long duration, but seems to have been extin The misfortunes of the times produced still more pernicious effects upon the religious sentiments of the Gauls. They introduced among that people the most desperate notions, and led many of them to reject the belief of a superintending providence, and to exclude the Deity || Warharan or Bahram, the son of the monarch already mentioned, treated the Christians, in 421, in a manner yet more barbarous and inhuman, to which he was led partly by the instigation of the Magi, and partly by his keen aversion to the Romans, with whom he was at war; for, as often as the Persians and the Romans were at variance, the Christians, who dwelt in Persia, felt new and redoubled effects of their monarch's wrath; and this from a prevailing notion, not perhaps entirely ground * Antiquitat. Ecclesiæ Britannica, cap. xii. p. 415, and less, that they favoured the Romans, and rendered real services to their empire. In this persecution, a prodigious number of Christians perished in the most exquisite tortures, and by various kinds of punishment. But they were, at length, delivered from these cruel oppressions by the peace that was made in 427, between Warharan and the emperor Theodosius the younger.‡ violence were, on that account, restrained, ir It was not from the Pagans only that the Christians were exposed to suffering and persecution; they were also harassed and oppress-pose that its adversaries had laid aside the spirit ed in a variety of ways by the Jews, who lived in great opulence, and enjoyed a high degree of favour and credit in several parts of the east. Among these, none treated them with greater rigour and arrogance than Gamaliel, the patriarch of that nation, a man of the greatest power and influence, whose authority and * Theodoret, Hist. Eccles. lib. v. cap. xxix. p. 245. Bayle's Dictionary, at the article Abdas. Barbeyrac, de la Morale des Peres, p. 320. Jos. Sim. Assemani Biblioth. Oriental. Vatican. tom. î. p. 182, 248. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. lib. vii. cap. xx. Socrat. lib. vii. cap. xiii. xvi. Codex Theodos. tom. vi. p. 265. of opposition. The schools of the philoso phers and rhetoricians were yet open in Greece Syria, and Egypt; and there is no doubt that these artful teachers laboured assiduously to corrupt the minds of the youth, and to instil into them, at least some of the principles of the ancient superstition. The history of these times, and the writings of several Christiang who lived in this century, exhibit evident proofs of these clandestine methods of opposing the progress of the Gospel. PART II. THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. Concerning the State of Learning and Philosophy. in some respects inferior to the celebrated authors of antiquity, are yet far from being des titute of elegance, and discover in their productions a most laborious application to literary researches of various kinds. But the bar barous nations, which either spread desolation, or formed settlements in the Roman territories, choked the growth of those genial seeds, which the hand of science had sown in more auspici I. THOUGH, in this century, the illiterate and ignorant were advanced to eminent and important stations, both ecclesiastical and civil, || yet we must not thence conclude, that the sciences were treated with universal contempt. The value of learning, and the excellence of the fine arts, were yet generally acknowledg-ous times. These savage invaders, who posed among the thinking part of mankind.- sessed no other ambition than that of conquest, Hence public schools were erected in almost and considered military courage as the only all the great cities, such as Constantinople, source of true virtue and solid glory, beheld, Rome, Marseilles, Édessa, Nisibis, Carthage, in consequence, the arts and sciences with the Lyons, and Treves; and public instructors of utmost contempt. Wherever therefore they capacity and genius were set apart for the edu-extended their conquests, ignorance and darkcation of the youth, and maintained at the ex- ness followed their steps; and the culture of pense of the emperors. Several bishops and science was confined to the priests and monks monks contributed also to the advancement of alone; and even among these, learning degeknowledge, by imparting to others their small nerated from its primitive lustre, and put on stock of learning and science. But the infe- the most unseemly and fantastic form. Amidst licity of the times, the incursions of the bar- the seduction of corrupt examples, the alarms barous nations, and the scarcity of great ge- of perpetual danger, and the horrors and deniuses, rendered the fruits of these excellent vastations of war, the sacerdotal and monastic establishments much less important than their orders gradually lost all taste for solid science, generous founders and promoters expected. in the place of which they substituted a lifeII. In the western provinces, and especially less spectre, an enormous phantom of barbain Gaul, there were indeed some men eminent-rous erudition. They indeed kept public ly distinguished by their learning and talents, schools, and instructed the youth in what they and every way proper to serve as models to the called the seven liberal arts;* but these, as we lower orders in the republic of letters. Of learn from Augustin's account of them, conthis we have abundant proof in the writings of sisted only of a certain number of dry, subtile, Macrobius, Salvian, Vincentius bishop of Liris, These arts were grammar, rhetoric, logic, Ennodius, Sidonius Apollinaris, Claudian, Ma- arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy mertus, Dracontius, and others, who, though | viii. part ii. ch. ii. in this volume. See cent * and useless precepts, and were consequently tors of the renowned Proclus, who far surpassed more adapted to load and perplex the memory, the Platonic philosophers of this century, and than to improve and strengthen the judgment: acquired such a high degree of the public esso that, toward the conclusion of this century, teem, as enabled him to give new life to the the sciences were almost totally extinguished; doctrine of Plato, and restore it to its former at least, what remained of them was no more credit in Greece. Marinus, of Neapolis, Amthan a shadowy form, without solidity or con- monius the son of Hermias, Isidorus and Dasistence. mascius, the disciples of Proclus, followed, with an ardent emulation, the traces of their master, and formed successors who resembled them in all respects. But the imperial laws, and the daily progress of the Christian religion, gradually diminished the lustre and authority of these philosophers; and, as there were many of the Christian doctors who adopted the Platonic system, and were sufficiently qualified to explain it to the youth, this naturally prevented the schools of these heathen sages from being so much frequented as they had formerly been. III. The few who applied themselves to the study of philosophy in this age, had not yet embraced the doctrine or method of Aristotle. They looked upon the system of this eminent philosopher, as a labyrinth beset with thorns and thistles;* and yet, had they been able to read and understand his works, it is probable that many of them would have become his followers. The doctrine of Plato had a more established reputation, which it had enjoyed for several ages, and was considered, not only as less subtile and difficult than that of the Stagirite, but also as more conformable to the genius and spirit of the Christian religion. Besides, the most valuable of Plato's works were translated into Latin by Victorinus, and were thus adapted to general use;† and Sidonius Apollinarist informs us, that all those, among the Latins, who had any inclination to the study of truth, fell into the Platonic notions, and followed that sage as their philosophical guide. VI. The credit of the Platonic philosophy, and the preference that was given to it, as more excellent in itself, and less repugnant to the genius of the Gospel than other systems, did not prevent the doctrine of Aristotle from coming to light after a long struggle, and forcing its way into the Christian church. The Platonists themselves interpreted, in their schools, some of the writings of Aristotle, particularly his Dialectics, and recommended that IV. The fate of learning was less deplora- work to such of the youth as had a taste for loble among the Greeks and Orientals, than in gical discussions, and were fond of disputing. the western provinces; and not only the seve- In this, the Christian doctors imitated the manral branches of polite literature, but also the ner of the heathen schools; and this was the more solid and profound sciences, were culti- first step to that universal dominion, which the vated by them with tolerable success. Hence Stagirite afterwards obtained in the republic we find among them more writers of genius of letters. A second and yet larger stride toand learning than in other countries. Those, ward this universal empire was made by the who were inclined to the study of law, resort- Aristotelian philosophy during the controvered generally to Berytus, famous for its learned sies which Origen had occasioned, and the academy, or to Alexandria,|| which was fre- Arian, Eutychian, Nestorian, and Pelagian disquented by the students of physic and chemis-sensions, which, in this century, were so fruittry. The professors of eloquence, poetry, philosophy, and the other liberal arts, taught the youth in public schools, which were erected in almost every city. Those however of Alexandria, Constantinople, and Edessa, were deemed superior to all others, both in point of erudition and method.¶ V. The doctrine and sect of the modern Platonics, or Platonists, retained, among the Syrians and Alexandrians, a considerable part of their ancient splendour. Olympiodorus, Hero,** and other philosophers of the first rank, added a lustre to the Alexandrian school. That of Athens was rendered famous by the talents and erudition of Theophrastus, Plutarch, and his successor Syrianus. These were the instruc * The passages of different writers, that prove what is here advanced, are collected by Launoy, in his book, de varia Aristotelis Fortuna in Academia Parisiensi. See his Epistles, book iv. ep. iii. xi. book ix. ep. ix. ful of calamities to the Christian church. Origen, as is well known, was zealously attached to the Platonic system. When, therefore, he was publicly condemned, many, to avoid the imputation of his errors, and to preclude their being reckoned among the number of his followers, adopted openly the philosophy of Aristotle, which was entirely different from that of Origen. The Nestorian, Arian, and Eutychian controversies were managed, or rather drawn out, on both sides, by a perpetual recourse to subtile distinctions and captious sophisms; and no philosophy was so proper to furnish such weapons, as that of Aristotle; for that of Plato was far from being adapted to form the mind to the polemic arts. Besides, the Pelagian doctrine bore a striking resemblance to the Platonic opinions concerning God and the human soul; and this was an additional reason which engaged many to desert the Platonists, and to assume, at least, the name of Peripatetics. * The life of Proclus, written by Marinus, was published at Hamburg, in 1700, by John Albert Fabricius, aud was enriched by this famous editor, with a great number of learned observations. See Æneas Gazæus in Theophrasto. CHAPTER II. Concerning the Doctors and Ministers of the ment. from the jurisdiction of the bishop of Cæsarea, and aspired to a place among the first prelates of the Christian world. The high degree of veneration and esteem, in which the church of Jerusalem was holden among all other Christian societies (on account of its rank among I. SEVERAL causes contributed to bring the apostolical churches, and its title to the apabout a change in the external form of ecclesi- pellation of mother-church, as having succeeded astical government. The power of the bishops, the first Christian assembly founded by the particularly those of the first order, was some-apostles,) was extremely favourable to the amtimes augmented, and sometimes diminished, bition of Juvenal, and rendered his project according as the times and the occasions offer-much more practicable than it would otherwise ed; and in all these changes the intrigues of the court and the political state of the empire had much more influence, than the rules of equity and wisdom. have been. Encouraged by this, and animated by the favour and protection of the younger Theodosius, the aspiring prelate not only assumed the dignity of patriarch of all Palestine,* a rank that rendered him supreme and independent of all spiritual authority, but also invaded the rights of the bishop of Antioch, and usurped his jurisdiction over the provinces of Phoenicia and Arabia. Hence arose a warm contest between Juvenal and Maximus, bishop of Antioch, which the council of Chalcedon decided, by restoring to the latter the provinces of Phoenicia and Arabia, and confirming the former in the spiritual possession of all Palestine,† and in the high rank which he had assumed in the church. Thus were created, in the fifth century, five superior rulers of the church, who were distinguished from the rest by the title of Patriarchs.§ The oriental historians mention a sixth, viz. the bishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, to whom, according to their account, the bishop of Antioch voluntarily ceded a part of his jurisdiction. But this addition to the number of the patriarchs is unworthy of credit, as the only proof of it is drawn from the Arabic laws of the council of Nice, which are notoriously destitute of all authority. These alterations were, indeed, matters of small moment. But an affair of much greater consequence now drew the general attention; and this was the vast augmentation of honours and rank, accumulated upon the bishops of Constantinople, in opposition to the most vigour ous efforts of the Roman pontiff. In the preceding century, the council of Constantinople had, on account of the dignity and privileges of that imperial city, conferred on its bishops a place among the first rulers of the Christian church. This new dignity added fuel to their ambition, they extended their views of authority and dominion; and, encouraged, no doubt, by the consent of the emperor, reduced the provinces of Asia Minor, Thrace, and Pontus, under their spiritual jurisdiction. In this century, they grasped at still farther accessions of power; so that not only the whole eastern part of Illyricum was added to their former acquisitions, but they were also exalted to the highest summit of ecclesiastical authority; for, by the 28th canon of the council holden at Chalcedon in 451, it was resolved, that the same rights III. The patriarchs were distinguished by and honours, which had been conferred upon considerable and extensive rights and privilethe bishop of Rome, were due to the bishop of ges, that were annexed to their high station. Constantinople, on account of the equal digni- They alone consecrated the bishops, who lived ty and lustre of the two cities, in which these in the provinces that belonged to their jurisdicprelates exercised their authority. The same tion. They assembled yearly in council the council confirmed also, by a solemn act, the clergy of their respective districts, in order to bishop of Constantinople in the spiritual gov- regulate the affairs of the church. The cogernment of those provinces over which he had nisance of all important causes, and the deterambitiously usurped the jurisdiction. Pope Leomination of the more weighty controversies. the Great, bishop of Rome, opposed with vehemence the passing of these decrees; and his opposition was seconded by that of several other prelates. But their efforts were vain, as the emperors threw their weight into the balance, and thus supported the decisions of the Grecian bishops.* In consequence then of the decrees of this famous council, the prelate of Constantinople began to contend obstinately for the supremacy with the Roman pontiff, and to crush the bishops of Alexandria and Antioch, so as to make them feel the oppressive effects of his pretended superiority; and no one distinguished himself more by his ambition and arrogance in this affair, than Acacius.† II. It was much about this time that Juvenal, bishop of Jerusalem, or rather of Elia, attempted to withdraw himself and his church were referred to the patriarch of the province where they arose. They also pronounced a decisive judgment in those cases, where accusations were brought against bishops; and, last 育 By all Palestine, the reader is desired to understand three distinct provinces, of which each bore the name of Palestine; and accordingly the original is thus expressed, Trium Palestinarum Episcopum seu Patr archam. After the destruction of Jerusalem, the face of Palestine was almost totally changed; and it was so parcelled out and wasted by a succession of wars and invasions, that it scarcely preserved any trace of its former condition. Under the Christian emperors there were three Palestines formed out of the ancient country of that name, each of which was an episcopal see; and it was of these three dioceses that Juvenal usurped and maintained the jurisdiction. See, for a farther account of the three Palestines, Spanhemii Geographia Sacra. See also, for an account of the Three Palestines, Caroli a S. Paulo Geographia Sacra, p. 307. See Mich. Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, tom. iii. See the authors who have written of the patriarchs, mentioned and recommended by the learned Fabricius, in * Le Quien, Oriens Christ. tom. i. p. 36. See Bayle's Dictionaire Historique, at the article his Bibliograph. Antiquar. cap. xiii. p. 453. Acacius. Assemaní Biblioth. Orient. Vatican. tom. i. VOL. I.-18 ly, they appointed vicars,* or deputies, clothed with their authority, for the preservation of order and tranquillity in the remoter provinces. Such were the great and distinguishing privileges of the patriarchs; and they were accompanied with others of less moment, which it is needless to mention. the power and prerogatives of their insolent and ambitious patrons. V. To these lamentable evils, were added the ambitious quarrels, and the bitter animosities, that rose among the patriarchs themselves, and which produced the most bloody wars, and the most detestable and horrid crimes. The It must, however, be carefully observed, that | patriarch of Constantinople distinguished himthe authority of the patriarchs was not acknow- self in these odious contests. Elate with the ledged through all the provinces without ex-favour and proximity of the imperial court, he ception. Several districts, both in the eastern and western empires, were exempted from their jurisdiction. The emperors, who reserved to themselves the supreme power in the Christian hierarchy, and received, with great facility and readiness, the complaints of those who consid-second order; and, on the other, he invaded the ered themselves as injured by the patriarchs; and the councils also, in which the majesty and legislative power of the church immediately resided; were obstacles to the arbitrary proceedings of the patriarchal order. cast a haughty eye on all sides, where any objects were to be found on which he might exercise his lordly ambition. On one hand, he reduced under his jurisdiction the patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch, as prelates only of the diocese of the Roman pontiff, and despoiled him of several provinces. The two former prelates, though they struggled with vehemence, and raised considerable tumults by their opposition, laboured ineffectually, both for want of strength, and likewise on account of a variety of unfavourable circumstances. But the pope, far superior to them in wealth and power, contended also with more vigour and obstinacy, and, in his turn, gave a deadly wound to the usurped supremacy of the Byzantine patriarch. IV. This constitution of ecclesiastical government was so far from contributing to the peace and prosperity of the Christian church, that it proved, on the contrary, a perpetual source of dissensions and animosities, and was productive of various inconveniences and grievances. The patriarchs, who, by their exalted The attentive inquirer into the affairs of the rank and extensive authority, were equally able church, from this period, will find, in the events to do much good and much mischief, began to || now mentioned, the principal source of those encroach upon the rights, and trample upon most scandalous and deplorable dissensions, the prerogatives of their bishops, and thus in- which divided first the eastern church into vatroduced, gradually, a sort of spiritual bondage rious sects, and afterwards separated it entirely into the church; and that they might invade, from that of the west. He will find, that these without opposition, the rights of the bishops,|| ignominious schisms flowed chiefly from the they permitted the latter, in their turn, to tram-unchristian contentions for dominion and suple with impunity, upon the ancient rights and premacy, which reigned among those who set privileges of the people; for, in proportion as themselves up for the fathers and defenders of the bishops multiplied their privileges and ex- the church. tended their usurpations, the patriarchs gained VI. No one of the contending bishops found new accessions of power by the despotism which the occurrences of the times so favourable to they exercised over the episcopal order. They his ambition, as the Roman pontiff. Notwithfomented also divisions among the bishops, and standing the redoubled efforts of the bishop of excited animosities between them and the other Constantinople, a variety of circumstances conministers of the church. They went still far-curred to augment his power and authority, ther, and sowed the seeds of discord between the clergy and the people, that all these combustions might furnish them with perpetual matter for the exercise of their authority, and procure them a multitude of clients and dependents. They left no artifice unemployed to strengthen their own authority, and to raise opposition against the prelates from every quarter. For this purpose it was that they engaged in their cause by the most alluring promises, and attached to their interests by the most magnificent acts of liberality, whole swarms of monks, who served as intestine enemies to the bishops, and as a dead weight on the side of patriarchal tyranny. The efforts of these monastic hirelings contributed more than any other means to ruin the ancient ecclesiastical discipline, to diminish the authority of the bishops, and raise, to an enormous and excessive height, though he had not yet assumed the dignity of supreme lawgiver and judge of the whole Christian church. The bishops of Alexandria and Antioch, unable to make head against the lordly prelate of Constantinople, often fled to the Roman pontiff for succour against his violence; and the inferior order of bishops used the same method, when their rights were invaded by the prelates of Alexandria and Antioch: so that the bishop of Rome, by taking all these prelates alternately under his protection, daily added new degrees of nfluence and authority to the Roman see, rendered it every where respected, and was thus imperceptibly establishing its supremacy. Such were the means by which that pontiff extended his dominion in the east. In the west its increase arose from other causes. The declining power and the supine indolence of the emperors, left the authority of the bishop, who presided in their * Dav. Blondel, de la Primaute de l'Eglise, chap. xxv. capital, almost without control. The incurp. 332. Theod. Ruinart, de Pallio Archi-Episcopali, p.sions, moreover, and triumphs of the barbari445; tom. ii. of the posthumous works of Mabillon. ans were so far from being prejudicial to his † Brerewood's Dissert. de veteris Ecclesiæ Guberna- rising dominion, that they rather contributed tione patriarchali, printed at the end of archbishop to its advancement; for the kings, who peneUsher's book, entitled, Opusculum de Origine Episco-trated into the empire, were only solicitous porum et Metropolitanorum. || |