tioned, of turning the judges and trials of Athens into ridicule, from a state of the revenues paid into the public treasury, finds their amount to be 2000 talents.* He then examines how much of that sum falls to the share of the judges, with whom Athens was over run, at three oboli a head per day. This appears to be annually, including all of them, only 150 talents. The calculation is easy. The judges were paid only ten months in the year, the other two being employed in festivals, when all proceedings at law were prohibited. Now three oboli a day paid to 6000 men, make 15 talents a month, and in consequence 150 in ten months. According to this calculation, the most assiduous judge gained only 75 livres (about three guineas) a year. "What then becomes of the remainder of "the 2000 talents ?" cries the young Athenian. "What!" replies his father, who was one of the judges, "it goes to those- ; but let us not

"expose the shame of Athens; let us always be for the people." The young Athenian goes on to explain that the remainder went to such as robbed the public treasury; to the orators, who incessantly flattered the people; and to those who were employed in the government and army. I have extracted this remark from the works of Father Brumoi the Jesuit, with which I shall make very free, when I come to speak of public shows and dramatic representations.

THE famous council of the Amphictyons is introduced here, though not peculiar to the Athenians, but common to all Greece, because it is of ten mentioned in the Grecian history, and I do not know whether I shall have a more natural occasion to speak of it.

The assembly of the Amphictyons was in a manner the holding of a general assembly of the states of Greece. The establishment of it is attributed to Amphictyon, king of Athens, and son of Deucalion, who gave them his name. His principal view in the institution of this council, was to unite in the sacred band of amity the several people of Greece admitted into it, and to oblige them by that union to undertake the defence of each other, and be mutually vigilant for the happiness and tranquility of their country. The Amphictyons were also created to be the protectors of the oracle of Delphos, and the guardians of the prodigious riches of that temple; and also to adjudge the differences which might arise between the Delphians and those who came to consult the oracle. This council was held at Thermopylæ, and sometimes at Delphos itself, It assembled regularly twice a year, in the spring and autumn, and more frequently when affairs required.

The number of people or cities which had a right to sit in this assembly is not precisely known, and varied, without doubt, at different times. When the Lacedæmonians, in order to pass in it what decrees they thought fit, were for excluding the Thessalians, Argives, and Thebans, ‡ Themistocles, in the speech he made to the Amphictyons to prevent that design from taking effect, seems to insinuate that there were only one-and-thirty cities at that time which had this right.

Each city sent two deputies, and in consequence had two votes in the council; and that without distinction, or the more powerful having any † 70001, sterl. Plut. in Themist. p. 122.

* About 280,000). sterl.

prerogative of honour or pre-eminence over inferior states in regard to the suffrages; the liberty upon which these people valued themselves requiring that every thing should be equal amongst them.

The Amphictyons had full power to discuss and determine finally in all differences which might arise between the Amphictyonic cities, and to fine the culpable in such a manner as they thought fit. They could employ not only the rigour of the laws in the execution of their decrees, but even raise troops, if it were necessary, to compel such as rebelled to submit to them. The three sacred wars undertaken by their order, of which I have spoken elsewhere, are evident proofs of this power.

Before they were installed into this body, they took a very remarkable oath, of which Eschines has preserved the form. It runs to this effect:

*

I swear that I will never destroy any of the cities honoured with the right "of sitting in the Amphictyonic council, nor turn their running waters out "of their course either in times of war or peace. If any people shall "make such an attempt, I hereby engage to carry the war into their coun"try, to demolish their cities, towns and villages, and to treat them in all things as the most cruel enemies. Moreover, if at any time any person "shall dare to be so impious as to steal and take away any of the rich of ferings preserved in the temple of Apollo at Delphos, or abet any others "in committing that crime, either by aiding or only counselling him there"in, I will use my feet, hands, voice, in a word, all my powers and facul"ties, to avenge such sacrilege." That oath was attended with the most terrible imprecations and execrations: "That if any one infringes any thing contained in the oath I have now taken, whether private person, "city, or people, may that person, city, or people, be deemed accursed, " and in that acceptation experience the whole vengeance of Apollo, Lato66 na, Diana, and Minerva the foreknower. May their country produce

66

66 none of the fruits of the earth, and their women, instead of generating "children resembling their fathers, bring forth nothing but monsters; may "their animals share in the same curse. May those sacrilegious men lose "all suits at law; may they be conquered in war, have their houses de"molished, and themselves and their children put to the sword." I am not astonished that, after such terrible engagements, the holy war, undertaken by the order of the Amphictyons, should be carried on with so much ardour and fury. The religion of an oath was of great force with the ancients; and how much more regard ought to be had to it in the Christian world which professes to believe that the violation of it shall be punished with eternal torments! and yet how many are there amongst us who make a trifle of breaking through the most solemn oaths!

The authority of the Amphictyons had always been of great weight in Greece, but it began to decline exceedingly from the moment they condescended to admit Philip of Macedon into their body. For that prince, enjoying by this means all their rights and privileges, soon knew how to set himself above all law, and to abuse his power so far as to preside by proxy both in this illustrious assembly and in the Pythian games; of which games the Amphictyons were judges and agonothetæ, in virtue of their office. This Demosthenes reproaches him' with in his third philippic: “When he does not deign," says he, "to honour us with his presence, he sends his "slaves to preside over us." An odious, but emphatical term, and in the spirit of the Grecian liberty, by which the Athenian orator images the base and abject subjection of the greatest lords in Philip's court.

*Eschin. in orat. igi magangerfeus.

If the reader desires a further knowledge of what relates to the Amphictyons, the dissertations of Monsieur Valois * may be consulted, in the Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Letters, wherein this subject is treated with great extent and erudition.

SECTION IX.

OF THE REVENUES OF ATHENS.

THE revenues,† according to the passage of Aristophanes which I have cited above, and in consequence, as they stood in the time of the Peloponnesian war, amounted to 2000 talents, that is to say, to 6,000,000 of livres. They were generally reduced to four species.

1. The first relates to the revenues arising from agriculture, the sale of woods, the produce of mines, and other funds of a like nature, appertaining to the public. Amongst these may be included the duties upon the import and export of merchandise, and the taxes levied upon the inhabitants of the city, as well natives as strangers.

The history of Athens often mentions the silver mines of Laurium, which was a mountain situated between the Piræum and Cape Sunium ; and those of Thrace, from whence many persons extracted immense riches. Xenophon, in a treatise wherein he states this matter at large, demonstrates how much the public might gain by industriously working these mines, from the example of the many persons they had enriched. Hipponicus | let his mines and 600 slaves to an undertaker, who paid him an obolus a day for each slave, clear of all charges, which amounted in the whole to a mina, about two pounds five shillings. Nicias, who was killed in Sicily, farmed out his mines and 1000 slaves in the same manner, and with the same profit in proportion to that number.

2. The second species of revenue were, the contributions paid the Athenians by the allies for the common expences of the war. At first, under Aristides, they amounted to only 460 talents. T Pericles augmented them almost a third, and raised them to 600, and some time after they were run up to 1300. Taxes which in the beginning were moderate and necessary, became thus in a little time excessive and exorbitant, notwithstanding all the protestations made the allies, and the most solemn engagements to the contrary.

3. A third sort of revenue was, the extraordinary capitation taxes levied upon the inhabitants of the country, as well natives as strangers, in pressing occasions and emergencies of the state.

4. The fines laid upon persons by the judges for different misdemeanours, were applied to the uses of the public, and laid up in the treasury, except a tenth part of them, which was consecrated to Minerva, and a fif tieth to the other divinities.

The most natural and legal application of these different revenues of the republic was in paying the troops both by sea and land, building and fitting out fleets, keeping up and repairing the public buildings, temples, walls, ports, and citadels. But the greatest part of them, especially after Pericles' time, was misapplied to unnecessary uses, and often consum ed in frivolous expences, games, feasts, and shows, which cost immense sums, and were of no manner of utility to the state.

SECTION X.

OF THE EDUCATION OF THE YOUTH.

I PLACE this article under the head of goverment, because all celebrated legislators have with reason believed that the education of youth was an essential part of it.

The exercises that served for the forming of either the bodies or minds of the young Athenians (and as much may be said of almost all the people of Greece,) were dancing, music, hunting, fencing, riding, polite learning, and philosophy. It may be observed that I speak generally, and treat very slightly these several articles.

*

I. DANCING. MUSIC.

Dancing is one of the exercises of the body cultivated by the Greeks with great attention. It made a part of what the ancients called the Gymnastic, divided, according to Plato, into two kinds, the orchestric, which takes its name from the dance, and the palestric, † so called from a Greek word which signifies wrestling. The exercises of this latter kind principally conduced to form the body for the fatigues of war, navigation, agriculture, and the other uses of society.

Dancing had another end, and taught such rules of motion as were most proper to render the shape free and easy; to give the body a just proportion, and the whole person an unconstrained, noble, and graceful air; in a word, an external politeness, if we may be allowed to use that expression, which never fails to prejudice people in favour of those who have been formed to it early.

Music was cultivated with no less application and success. The ancients ascribed wonderful effects to it. They believed it very proper to calm the passions, soften the manners, and even humanize people naturally savage and barbarous. Polybius, a grave and serious historian, and who is certainly worthy of belief, attributes the extreme difference between two people of Arcadia, the one infinitely beloved and esteemed for the elegance of their manners, their benevolent inclinations, humanity to strangers, and piety to the gods; the other, on the contrary, generally reproached and hated for their malignity, brutality, and irreligion: Polybius, I say, ascribes this difference to the study of music, I mean, says he, the true and noble music, industriously cultivated by the one, and absolutely neglected by the other people.

After this it is not surprising that the Greeks considered music as an essential part in the education of youth. Socrates himself, in a very advanced age, was not ashamed to learn to play upon musical instruments. Themistocles, however otherwise esteemed, was thought to be wanting in point of merit, because at an entertainment he could not touch the lyre, like the rest of the company. ¶ An ignorance in this respect was deemed a defect of education; on the contrary, a capacity in it did honour to the

* Oprea, saltare.

Polyb p. 288-291.

Η Παλη

Socrates, jam senex, instituti lyra non erubescebat. Quintil. 1. i. c. 10. Themistocles, cum in epulis recusasset lyram, habitus est indoctior. Cic. Tusc. Quæst, l. i. n. 4.

¶ Summam eruditionem Græci sitam censebant in nervorum vocumque cantibus-discebantque id omnes ; nec qui nesciebat, satis excultus doctrina putabatur.

Ibid.

greatest men. * Epaminondas was praised for dancing, and playing well upon the flute. We may observe in this place the different taste and genius of nations. The Romans were far from having the same opinion with the Greeks in regard to music and dancing, and set no value upon them. It is very likely the wisest and most knowing amongst the latter did not apply to them with any great industry; and Philip's expression to his son Alexander, who had shown too much skill in music at a feast, induces me to be of this opinion; "Are you not ashamed," says he, "to sing so "well?"

For the rest, this esteem for dancing and music had its foundation. Both the one and the other were employed in the most august feasts and ceremonies of religion, to express their acknowledgment to the gods with the greater force and dignity, for the favours they had vouchsafed to confer upon them. They had generally the greatest share in their feasts and entertainments, which seldom or ever began or ended without some odes being sung in honour of the victories in the Olympic games, and on other the like occasions. They had a part also in war; and we know that the Lacedæmonians marched to battle dancing, and to the sound of flutes. Plato, the most grave philosopher of antiquity, considered both these arts, not as simple amusements, but as they had a great share in the ceremonies of religion and military exercises. Hence we see him very intent, in his books of laws, to prescribe rules upon dancing and music, and to keep them within the bounds of utility and decorum.

They did not continue long within these restrictions. The licence of the Grecian stage, on which dancing was in the highest vogue, and in a manner prostituted to buffoons and the most contemptible people, who. made no other use of it than to suggest or support the most vicious passions; this licence, I say, soon corrupted an art which might have been of some advantage, had it been regulated by Plato's opinion. Music had a like destiny; and perhaps the corruption of this did not a little contribute to the depraving and perverting of dancing. Voluptuousness and sensual pleasure were the sole arbiters consulted in the uses made of both, and the theatre became a school of every kind of vice.

Plutarch, in lamenting that the art of dancing was so much fallen from the merit which rendered it estimable to the great men of antiquity, does not omit to observe, that it was corrupted by a vicious kind of poetry, and a soft effeminate music, with which it was ill united, and which had taken place of the ancient poetry and music, that had something noble, majestic, and even religious and heavenly in them. He adds, that being made subservient to low taste and sensuality, by their aid it exercised a kind of tyrannical power in theatres, which were become the public schools of criminal passions and gross vices, wherein no regard was had to reason.

The reader, without my observing upon it to him, will make the application of this passage of Plutarch to the sort of music which engrosses our theatres at this day, and which, by its effeminate and wanton airs, has given the last wound to the little manly force and virtue that remained among us. Quintilian describes the music of his times in these terms, Quæ nunc in scenis effeminala, et impudicis modis fracta, non ex parte minima, si quid in nobis virilis roboris manebat, excidit.

* In Epaminondæ virtutibus commemoratum est, saltasse eum commode, scienterque tibiis cantasse-Scilicet non eadem omnibus honesta sunt atque turpia, sed omnia majorum institutis judicantur. Corn. Nep. in præfat. vit. Epam. † De leg. 1. vii. Sympos. I. ix. qu. 15. p. 748.

Quintil. I. j. c. 1.