sary to its success, the art of reigning, the most difficult and important of all, should require no pains or preparation for its attainment. He came into the world with the most happy dispositions; a great fund of genius, an easy conception, a lively and instant penetration which nothing escaped, a solidity of judgment, that immediately resolved what it was necessary to act; qualities which might seem to dispense with all study and application; and yet, as if he had been born without talents, and found himself obliged to supply by study what he might want by nature, he neglected no means for the embellishment of his mind, and devoted a considerable part of his time in instructing himself, * in reflecting, meditating, and consulting the judgment and merit of others. When he ascended the throne, his greatest care and application was to know mankind, in which the ability of a prince, and of those who are at the head of affairs principally consists. He had no doubt prepared himself for that science by the study of history, which gives a kind of anticipation of it, supplies the place of experience, and teaches us what the men are with whom we live, by what they have been in other ages. But we study men quite differently in themselves; by their manners, characters, conduct, and actions. The love of the commonwealth rendered him attentive to all persons who were capable of serving or hurting it. He applied himself to the discovery of their most secret inclinations and principles of action, and to the knowledge of their different talents and degrees of capacity, in order to assign each his proper post, to bestow authority according to merit, and to make the private and public good promote each other. He neither rewarded nor punished his subjects, says Isocrates, from the report of others, but solely upon his own knowledge and experience of them; and neither the virtues of the good, nor the vices of the bad, escaped his inquiry and penetration. He had one quality very seldom found in those who possess the first rank in authority, especially when they believe themselves capable of governing alone: I mean a wonderful docility and attention to the sense of others, which arose from a diffidence in his own abilities. With his great qualities, he did not seem to have occasion for recourse to the counsel of others, and nevertheless made no resolution, and formed no enterprise, without having first consulted the wise persons he had placed about him in his court; instead of which, pride and presumption, the latent poisons of sovereign power, incline the greatest part of those who arrive at thrones, either to ask no counsel at all, or not to follow it when they do. Intent upon discovering the excellent in every form of government and private condition of life, he proposed the uniting of all their high qualities and great advantages in himself; affable and popular as in a republican state; grave and serious as in the counsels of the aged and the senate; steady and decisive as monarchy after mature deliberation; a profound politician by the extent and rectitude of his views; an accomplished warrior, from intrepid valour in battle, directed by a wise moderation; a good father, a good relation, a good friend; and what crowns all his praise, † in every circumstance of his character, always great, and always himself. He supported his dignity and rank, not with an air of pride and haughtiness, but by a serenity of aspect, and a mild and easy majesty, resulting from innate virtue, and the evidence of a good conscience. He won the * Εν τω ζητειν, και φροντίζειν, και βολευεσθαι, τον πλείσον χρόνον διέτριβεν. † Τυραννίκος δε τω πατι τετοις διαφερειν. hearts of his friends by his liberality, and conquered others by a greatness of soul, to which they could not refuse their esteem and admiration. But what was most royal in him, and attracted the entire confidence of his subjects, neighbours, and even enemies, was his sincerity, faith, and regard to all his engagements; and his hatred, or rather detestation, for all disguises, falsehood, and fraud. A single word on his side had as much regard paid to it as the most sacred oath; and it was universally known, that nothing was capable of inducing him to violate it in the least circumstance whatsoever. It was by all these excellent qualities that he effectually reformed the city of Salamin, and entirely changed the face of its affairs in a very short time. He found it gross, savage, and barbarous, without any taste either for learning, commerce or arms. What cannot a prince do who loves his people, and is beloved by them; who believes himself great and powerful only to render them happy? and knows how to set a just value upon, and do honour to, their labours, industry, and merit of every kind? He had not been many years upon the throne, before arts, sciences, commerce, navigation, and military discipline were seen to flourish at Salamin ; insomuch that that city did not give place to the most opulent of Greece. Isocrates often repeats, that in the praises he gives Evagoras, of which I have only extracted a part, far from exaggerating any thing, he always falls short of truth. To what can we attribute a reign so wise, so just, 30 moderate, so constantly employed in rendering his subjects happy, and in promoting the public good? The condition of Evagoras, before he came to govern, seems to me to have contributed very much to it. The being born a prince, and the having never experienced any other condition but that of master and sovereign, are, in my opinion, great obstacles to the knowledge and practice of the duties of that high station. Evagoras, who came into the world under a tyrant, had long obeyed before he commanded. He had borne in a private and dependant life the yoke of an absolute and despotic power. He had seen himself exposed to envy and calumny, and had been in danger for his merit and virtue. Such a prince had only to be told, upon his ascending the throne, what was said to a great emperor ;* "† You have not always been what you now are. Ad"versity has prepared you to make a good use of power. You have liv"ed long amongst us, and like us. You have been in danger under bad "princes. You have trembled for yourself, and known by experience, "how virtue and innocence have been treated." What he had personally suffered, what he had feared for himself or others, what he had seen unjust and unreasonable in the conduct of his predecessors, had opened his eyes and taught him all his duty. It sufficed to tell him, what the emperor Galba told Piso, when he adopted him as his associate in the empire: Remember what you condemned or applauded in princes, when you were a private man. You have only to consult the judgment you then passed upon them, and to act conformably to it for your instruction in "the art of reigning well." 66 * Trajan. 66 + Quam utile est ad usum secundorum per adversa venisse! Vixisti nobiscum, periclitatus es, timuisti. Quæ tunc erat innocentium vita scis, et expertus es. Plin. in Panegyr. Utilissimus quidem ac brevissimus bonarum malarumque rerum delectus, cogitare quid aut nolueris sub alio principe, aut volueris. Tacit. TRIAL OF TIRIBASUS. We have already said, that Tiribasus, having been accused by Orontes of forming a conspiracy against the king, had been sent to court in chains. Gaos, admiral of the fleet, who had married his daughter, apprehending that Artaxerxes would involve him in the affair with his father in law, and cause him to be put to death upon mere suspicion, conceived he had no other means for his security than an open revolt. He was very well belov ed by the soldiers, and all the officers of the fleet were particularly at his devotion. Without loss of time he sent deputies to Achoris king of Egypt, and concluded a league with him against the king of Persia. On another side, he solicited the Lacedæmonians warmly to come into that league, with assurances of making them masters of all Greece, and of establishing universally their form of government, to which they had long seemed to aspire. They hearkened favourably to these proposals, and embraced with joy this occasion of taking arms against Artaxerxes; the rather, because the peace they had concluded with him, by which they had given up the Greeks of Asia, had covered them with shame, and filled them with remorse. ers. As soon as Artaxerxes had put an end to the war of Cyprus," he thought of concluding also the affair of Tiribasus. He was so just as to appoint for that purpose three commissioners, who were great lords of Persia, of distinguished probity, and of the highest reputation in his court. The affair came to an examination, and an hearing on both sides. For so considerable a crime as that of having conspired against the king's person, no other proofs were produced than the letter of Orontes; that is to say, of a declared enemy, studious to supplant his rival. Orontes was in hopes, from his credit at court, that the affair would not have been discussed in the usual forms, and that upon the memorial sent by him, the accused would have been condemned without further examination. But that was not the custom with the Persians. By an anciently established regulation, to which among other privileges, they had a right by birth, no person was ever to be condemned, without being first heard and confronted with his accusThis was granted to Tiribasus, who answered to all the articles of the letter. As to his connivance with Evagoras, the treaty itself concluded by Orontes, was his apology; as it was absolutely the same that prince had proposed to him, except a condition which would have done honour to his master. As to his intelligence with the Lacedæmonians, the glorious treaty he had made them sign, sufficiently explained whether his own or the king's interests were his motives for it. He did not deny his credit in the army; but apprehended it had not been long a crime to be beloved by the officers and soldiers; and concluded his defence, by representing the long services he had rendered the king with inviolable fidelity; and especially his good fortune in having formerly saved his life, when he was hunting and in great danger of being devoured by two lions. The three commissioners were unanimous in declaring Tiribasus innocent. The king restored him to his former favour; and, justly enraged at the black design of Orontes, let the whole weight of his indignation fall upon him. A single example of this kind against informers convicted of falsehood, would for ever shut the door against calumny. How many innocents have been destroyed for want of observing this rule, which even the pagans *Diodorus refers the decision of this affair till after the war with the Cadusians, of which we shall soon speak: this seems very improbable. considered as the basis of all justice, and the guardian of the public tran quility! THE EXPEDITION OF SECTION VII. ARTAXERXES AGAINST THE CADUSIANS.-HISTORY WHEN Artaxerxes had terminated the Cyprian war,* he entered upon another against the Cadusians, who it is probable had revolted, and refused to pay the customary tribute; for authors say nothing as to the occasion of this war. Those people inhabited part of the mountains situated between the Euxine and Caspian seas in the north of Media. The soil is there so ungrateful, and so little proper for cultivation, that no corn is sowed upon it. The people subsist almost entirely upon apples, pears, and other fruits of that kind. Inured from their infancy to a hard and laborious life, they looked upon danger and fatigues as nothing, and for that reason made excellent soldiers. The king marched against them in person at the head of an army of 300,000 foot, and 10,000 horse. Tiribasus was with him in this expedition. Artaxerxes had not advanced far into the country, when his army suffered extremely by famine. The troops could find nothing to subsist upon, and it was impossible to bring provisions from other places, the ways being difficult and impracticable. The whole camp were reduced to eat their carriage beasts; which soon became so scarce that an ass' head was valued at 60 drachms, and was very hard to be got at that price. The king's table itself began to fall short, and only a few horses remained, the rest having been entirely consumed. In this melancholy conjuncture, Tiribasus contrived a stratagem which saved the king and army. The Cadusians had two kings, who were encamped separately with their troops. Tiribasus, who took care to be informed of all that passed, had been apprised that there was some misunderstanding between them, and that their jealousy of each other prevented their acting in concert, as they ought to have done. After having communicated his design to Artaxerxes, he went himself to one of the kings and dispatched his son to the other. They each of them informed the king to whom they applied, that the other had sent ambassadors to treat with Artaxerxes privately, and advised him to lose no time, but to make his peace directly, in order that the conditions of it might be the more advantageous; promising to assist them with their whole credit. The fraud succeeded. The pagans thought it no crime to use it with enemies. Ambassadors set out from both princes with Tiribasus and his son in the company. As this double negociation lasted some time, Artaxerxes began to sus pect Tiribasus; and his enemies taking that opportunity, forgot nothing to his prejudice that might ruin him in the king's opinion. That prince already repented the confidence he had reposed in him, and thereby gave room for those who envied him, to vent their calumnies and invectives. Upon what does the fortune of the most faithful subjects depend with a credulous and suspicious prince! Whilst this passed, arrived Tiribasus of his side, and his son on the other, each with ambassadors from the Cadusians. The treaty being concluded with both parties, and the peace made, Tiribasus *Plut. in Artax. p. 1023, 1024. so livres. ‡ Dolus, an virtus, quis in boste requirat? Virgil. became more powerful than ever in his master's favour, and returned with him. The king's behaviour in this march was much admired. Neither the gold with which he was covered, his purple robes, and the jewels that glittered all over him, and were worth 36,000,000 of livres,* prevented bis having an equal share in the whole fatigue with the meanest soldier. He was seen with his quiver at his back, and his shield on his arm, to dismount from his horse, and march foremost in those rugged and difficult countries. The soldiers observing his patience and fortitude, and animated by his example, became so light, that they seemed rather to fly than to walk. At length he arrived at one of his palaces, where the gardens were in admirable order, and there was a park of great extent and well planted, which was the more surprising, as the whole country round about it was entirely naked, and bore no kind of trees. As it was the depth of winter, and excessively cold, he gave the soldiers permission to cut down the wood in this park, without excepting the finest trees, either pines or cypresses. But the soldiers not being able to resolve to fell timber of such exceeding beauty and stateliness, the king took an axe, and began by cutting the finest and largest tree himself: after which the troops spared none, cut down all the wood they wanted, and kindled as many fires as were necessary to their passing the night without any inconvenience. When we reflect how much value great persons generally set upon their gardens and houses of pleasure, we must confess Artaxerxes' generosity in making this sacrifice, which argued a very laudable goodness of heart, and a sensibility for the distress and sufferings of his soldiers. But he did not always support that character. The king had lost in this enterprise a great number of his best troops, and almost all his horses and as he imagined that he was despised upon that account, and the ill success of his expedition, he became very much out of humour with the grandees of his court, and put to death a great number of them in the emotions of his wrath, and more out of distrust, and the fear of their attempting something against him for fear in a suspicious prince is a very destructive and bloody passion; whereas true courage is gentle, humane, and averse to all jealousy and suspicion. † One of the principal officers that perished in this expedition against the Cadusians, was Camisares, by nation a Carian, and governour of LeucoSyria, a province inclosed between Cilicia and Cappadocia. His son Datames succeeded him in that government, which was given him in consideration of the good services he had also rendered the king in the same expedition. He was the greatest captain of his time; and Cornelius Nepos, who has given us his life, does not prefer Amilcar and Hannibal to him among the barbarians. It appears from his history of it, that no one ever excelled him in boldness, valour, and ability in inventing schemes and stratagems, in activity in the execution of his designs, in presence of nind to resolve in the heat of action, and to find resources upon the most desperate occasions; in a word, in every thing that regards military knowledge. It seems that nothing was wanting to his having acquired a more illustrious name, than a noble theatre, and more exalted occasions; and perhaps an historian to have given a more extensive narration of his exploits. For Cornelius Nepos, according to his general plan, could not relate them but in a very succinct manner. * 12,000 talents. Cor. Nep. in vit. Datamis. |