sels, the Grecians who were apprized of the wreck that had befallen part of the enemy's fleet, fell upon the ships of the Cilicians at the same hour they had attacked the fleet the day before, and sunk a great number of them. The Persians being ashamed to see themselves thus insulted by an enemy that was so much inferior in number, thought fit the next day to appear first in a disposition to engage. The battle was very obstinate this time, and the success pretty near equal on both sides, excepting that the Persians, who were incommoded by the largeness and number of their vessels, sustained much the greater loss. Both parties however retired in good order.

* All these actions, which passed near Artemisa, did not bring matters to an absolute decision, but contributed very much to animate the Athenians, as they were convinced, by their own experience, that there is nothing really formidable, either in the number and magnificent ornaments of vessels, or in the barbarians' insolent shouts and songs of victory, to men that know how to come to close engagement, and that have the courage to fight with steadiness and resolution; and that the best way of dealing with such an enemy, is to despise all that vain appearance, to advance boldly up to them, and to charge them briskly and vigorously without ever giving ground.

The Grecian fleet having at this time had intelligence of what had passed at Thermopylæ, resolved upon the course they were to take without any further deliberation. They immediately sailed away from Artemisa, and advancing toward the heart of Greece, they stopped at Salamin, a little isle very near and over against Attica. Whilst the fleet was retreating, Themistocles passed through all the places where it was necessary for the enemy to come to land, in order to take in fresh water or other provisions, and in large characters engraved upon the rocks and the stones the following words, which he addressed to the Ionians: "Be of our side, ye people of lonia: come over to the party of your fathers, who expos"ed their own lives for no other end than to maintain your liberty: or, if you cannot possibly do that, at least do the Persians all the mischief "you can, when we are engaged with them, and put their army into dis"order and confusion." By this means Themistocles hoped either to bring the Ionians really over to their party, or at least to render them suspected to the barbarians. We see this general had his thoughts always intent upon his business, and neglected nothing that could contribute to the success of his designs.

SECTION VII.

THE ATHENIANS ABANDON THEIR CITY, WHICH 13 TAKEN AND BURNT BY XERXES.

XERXES in the mean time was entered into the country of Phocis by the upper part of Doris, and was burning and plundering the cities of the Phocians. The inhabitants of Peloponnesus, having no thoughts but to save their own country, resolved to abandon all the rest, and to bring all the Grecian forces together within the isthmus, over which they intended to build a strong wall from one sea to the other, a space of near five miles English. The Athenians were highly provoked at so base a desertion, seeing themselves ready to fall into the hands of the Persians, and likely

*Plut. in Themist. p. 115, 117. Herod. 1. viii. c. 21, 22.

Herod. I. viii. c. 40, 41.

to bear the whole weight of their fury and vengeance. Some time before they had consulted the oracle of Delphos, which had given them for answer, "That there would be no way of saving the city but by walls of "wood." The sentiments of the people were much divided about this ambiguous expression: some thought it was to be understood to mean the citadel, because heretofore it had been surrounded with wooden palisades. But Themistocles gave another sense to the words, which was much more natural, understanding it to intend shipping; and demonstrated, that the only measures they had to take were to leave the city empty and to embark all the inhabitants. But this was a resolution the people would not at all give ear to, as thinking themselves inevitably lost, and not even caring to conquer, when once they had abandoned the temples of their gods and the tombs of their ancestors. Here Themistocles had occasion for all his address and all his eloquence to work upon the people. After he had represented to them, that Athens did not consist either of its walls, or its houses, but of its citizens, and that the saving of these was the preservation of the city, he endeavoured to persuade them by the argument most capable of making an impression upon them in the unhappy, afflicted, and dangerous condition they were then in, I mean the argument and motive of divine authority; giving them to understand by the very words of the oracle, and by the prodigies which had happened, that their removing for a time from Athens was manifestly the will of the gods.

† A decree was therefore passed, by which in order to soften what appeared so hard in the resolution of deserting the city, it was ordained, "That Athens should be given up in trust into the hands, and committed "to the keeping and protection of Minerva, patroness of the Athenian "people; that all such inhabitants as were able to bear arms, should go on shipboard; and that every citizen should provide, as well as he could, "for the safety and security of his wife, children and slaves."

66

The extraordinary behaviour of Cimon, who was at this time very young, was of great weight on this singular occasion. Followed by his companions, with a gay and cheerful countenance, he went publicly along the streets of the Ceramicus to the Citadel, in order to consecrate a bit of a bridle, which he carried in his hand, in the temple of Minerva, designing to make the people understand by this religious and affecting ceremony, that they had no farther business with land forces, and that it behoved them now to take themselves entirely to the sea. After he had made an offering of this bit, he took one of the shields, that hung upon the wall of the temple, paid his devotions to the goddess, went down to the water side, and was the first who, by his example, inspired the greatest part of the people with confidence and resolution, and encouraged them to embark.

The major part of them sent their fathers and mothers, that were old, together with their wives and children, to the city of Trezene, the inhab itants of which received them with great humanity and generosity: for they made an ordinance, that they should be maintained at the expence of the public, and assigned for each person's subsistence two oboli a day, which were worth about two pence English money. Besides this, they permitted the children to gather fruit wherever they pleased, or wherever they came, Herod. 1. viii. c. 51-54. Plut. in Themist. Plut. in Cim. p. 481. This was a small city situated upon the sea-side, in that part of the Peloponnesus called Argolis.

*Herod. I. vii. 139–143.

p. 117.

and settled a fund for the payment of the masters who had the care of their education. What a beautiful thing it is to see a city, exposed as this was to the greatest dangers and calamities, extend her care and generosity in the very midst of such alarms, even to the education of other people's children!

When the whole city came to embark, so moving and melancholy a spectacle drew tears from the eyes of all that were present and at the same time occasioned great admiration with regard to the steadiness and courage of those men, who sent their fathers and mothers another way and to other places, and who, without being moved either at their grief and lamentations, or at the tender embraces of their wives and children, passed over with so much firmness and resolution to Salamin. But that which extremely raised and augmented the general compassion, was the great number of old men that they were forced to leave in the city on account of their age and infirmities, and of which many voluntarily remained there, on a motive of religion, believing the citadel to be the thing meant by the oracle in the forementioned ambiguous expression of wooden walls. There was no creature (for history has judged this circumstance worthy of being remembered); there was no creature, I say, even to the very domestic animals, but what took part in this public mourning; nor was it possible for a man to see those poor creatures run howling and crying after their masters who were going a ship-board, without being touched and affected. Among all the rest of these animals, particular notice is taken of a dog belonging to Xanthippus, the father of Pericles, which, not being able to endure to see himself abandoned by his master, jumped into the sea after him, and continued swimming as near as he could to the vessel his master was on board of, till he landed quite spent at Salamin, and died the moment after upon the shore. In the same place, even in Plutarch's time, they used to shew the spot wherein this faithful animal was said to be buried, which was called the "dog's burying place."

* Whilst Xerxes was continuing his march, some deserters from Arcadia came and joined his army. The King having asked them what the Grecians were then doing, was extremely surprised when he was told that they were employed in seeing the games and combats then celebrating at Olympia; and his surprise was still increased, when he understood that the victor's reward in those engagements was only a crown of olive. What inen must they be, cried one of the Persian nobles, with great wonder and astonishment, that are affected only with honour, and not with money!

† Xerxes had sent off a considerable detachment of his army to plunder the temple at Delphos, in which he knew there were immense treasures, being resolved to treat Apollo with no more favour than the other gods, whose temples he had pillaged. If we may believe what Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus say of this matter, as soon as ever this detachment advanced near the temple of Minerva, surnamed the Provident, the air grew dark on a sudden, and a violent tempest arose, accompanied with impetuous winds, thunder and lightning; and two huge rocks having severed themselves from the mountain, fell upon the Persian troops, and crushed the greatest part of them.

The other part of the army marched towards the city of Athens, which was deserted by all its inhabitants, except a small number of citizens who had retired into the citadel, where they defended themselves with incredi

*Herod. I. viii. c. 16.

Herod. 1. ii. c. 50-54.

Ibid. 1. viii. c. 35-39. Diod. l. xi. p. 12.

ble bravery, till they were all killed, and would hearken to no terms of accommodation whatsoever. Xerxes having stormed the citadel, reduced it to ashes. He immediately dispatched a courier to Susa, to carry the agreeable news of his success to Artabanes, his uncle; and at the same time sent him a great number of pictures and statues. * Those of Harmodius and Aristogiton, the ancient deliverers of Athens, were sent with the rest. One of the Antiochus', king of Syria, (I do not know which of them, nor at what time it was,) returned them to the Athenians, being persuaded he could not possibly make them a more acceptable present.

SECTION VIII.

THE BATTLE OF SALAMIN, &c. &c..

AT this time a division arose among the commanders† of the Grecian fleet; and the confederates, in a council of war which was held for that purpose, were of very different sentiments concerning the place for engaging the enemy. Some of them, and indeed the major part, at the head of whom was Eurybiades, the generalissimo of the fleet, were for having them advance near the isthmus of Corinth, that they might be nearer the land army, which was posted there to guard that pass, under the command of Cleombrotus, Leonidas' brother, and more ready for the defence of Peloponnesus. Others, at the head of whom was Themistocles, alledged that it would be betraying of their country to abandon so advantageous a post as that of Salamin; and as he supported his opinion with abundance of warmth, Eurybiades lifted up his cane, over him in a menacing manner. "Strike," says the Athenian, unmoved at the insult, "but hear me ;" and continuing his discourse, proceeded to show of what importance it was for the fleet of the Grecians, whose vessels were lighter and much fewer in number than those of the Persians, to engage in such a strait as that of Salamin, which would render the enemy incapable of using a great part of their forces. Eury biades, who could not help being surprised at this moderation in Themistocles, submitted to his reasons, or at least complied with his opinion, for fear the Athenians, whose ships made up above one half of the fleet, should separate themselves from the allies, as their general had taken occasion to insinuate.

A council of war was also held on the side of the Persians, in order. to determine whether they should hazard a naval engagement. Xerxes himself was come to the fleet to take the advice of his captains and offieers who were all unanimous for the battle, because they knew it was agreeable to the king's inclination. Queen Artemisa was the only person who opposed that resolution. She represented the dangerous consequences of coming to blows with people much more conversant and more expert in maritime affairs than the Persians; alledging, that the loss of a battle at sea would be attended with the ruin of their land army; whereas, by protracting the war, and approaching Peloponnesus, they would create jealousies and divisions among their enemies, or rather augment the divis ion, already very great amongst them; that the confederates in that case would not fail to separate from one another, to return and defend their respective countries; and that then the king, without difficulty, and almost

* Pausan. l. i. p. 14.

↑ Herod. 1. viii. c. 56, & 66. Plut. in Themist. p. 117.

without striking a blow, might make himself master of all Greece. This wise advice was not followed, and a battle was resolved upon.

Xerxes imputing the ill success of all his former engagements at sea to his own absence, was resolved to be witness of this from the top of an eminence, where he caused a throne to be erected for that purpose. This might have contributed in some measure to animate his forces; but there is another much more sure and effectual means of doing it, I mean by the prince's real presence and example, when he himself shares in the danger, and thereby shows himself worthy of being the soul and head of a brave and numerous body of men ready to die for his service. A prince that has not this sort of fortitude, which nothing can shake, and which even takes new vigour from danger, may nevertheless be endued with other excellent qualities, but then he is by no means proper to command an army. No qualification whatsoever can supply the want of courage in a general; and the * more he labours to show the appearance of it, when he has not the reality, the more he discovers his cowardice and fear. There is, it must be owned, a vast difference between a general officer and a simple soldier. Xerxes ought not to have exposed his person otherwise than became a prince, that is to say, as the head, not as the hand; as he whose business it is to direct and give orders, not as those who are to put them in execution. But to keep himself entirely at a distance from danger, and to act no other part than that of a spectator, was really renouncing the quality and office of a general.

Themistocles knowing that some of the commanders in the Grecian fleet still entertained thoughts of sailing towards the isthmus, contrived to have notice given underhand to Xerxes, that as the Grecian allies were now assembled together in one place, it would be an easy matter for him to subdue and destroy them altogether; whereas, if they once separated from one another, as they were going to do, he might never meet with another opportunity so favourable. The king gave into this opinion, and immediately commanded a great number of his vessels to surround Salamin by night, in order to make it impracticable for the Greeks to quit their post.

Nobody among the Grecians perceived that their army was surrounded in this manner. Aristides came the same night from Ægina, where he had some forces under his cominand, and with very great danger passed through the whole fleet of the enemy. When he came up to Themistocles' tent, he took him aside, and spoke to him in the following manner : "If we are wise, Themistocles, we shall from henceforward lay aside that "vain and childish dissention that has hitherto divided us, and strive with 66 a more noble and useful emulation which of us shall render the best ser"vice to his country; you by commanding, and doing the duty of a wise "and able captain, and I by obeying your orders, and by assisting you "with my person and advice." He then informed him of the army's being surrounded with the ships of the Persians and warmly exhorted him to give them battle without delay. Themistocles, extremely astonished at such a greatness of soul, and such a noble and generous frankness, was somewhat ashamed that he had suffered himself to be so much excelled by his rival; but without being ashamed to own it, he promised Aristides that he would henceforward imitate his generosity, and even exceed it, if it

* Quanto magis occultare ac abdere pavorem nitebantur, manifestius pavidi. Tacit. Hist. Herod. 1. viii. c. 74-88. Plut. in Arist. p. 525. Herod. I. viii. c. 78-82.