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"If we are ambitious of carrying our arms into distant countries, would it "not be more expedient to march and reduce the rebels of Thrace, and "other nations who are still wavering and unfixed in their allegiance, than "to fly to the succour of the inhabitants of Egesta, about whose welfare we ought to be very indifferent? And will it suit our interest to attempt to revenge their injuries, at a time that we do not discover the least resent"ment for those we ourselves receive? Let us leave the Sicilians to them"selves, and not engage in their quarrels, which it is their business to de"cide. As the inhabitants of Egesta undertook the war without us, let "them extricate themselves from it as well as they can. Should any of our generals advise you to this enterprise, from an ambitious or self-inter"ested view; merely to make a vain parade of his splendid equipages, or "to raise money to support his extravagance; be not guilty of so much "imprudence as to sacrifice the interest of the republic to his, or permit "him to involve it in the same ruin with himself. An enterprise of so "much importance ought not to be committed wholly to the conduct of a "young man. Remember it is prudence, not prejudice and passion, that "gives success to affairs." Nicias concluded, with declaring it his opinion, that it would be proper to deliberate again on the affair, in order to prevent the fatal consequences with which their taking rash resolutions might be attended.

It was plain he had Alcibiades in view, and that his enormous luxury was the object of his censure. And indeed he carried it to an incredible height, and lavished prodigious sums of money on horses, equipages, and moveables; not to mention the delicacy and sumptuousness of his table. He disputed the prize at the Olympic games with seven sets of chariot horses, which no private man had ever done before him; and he was crowned more than once on that occasion. Extraordinary resources were necessary for supporting such luxury; and as avarice often serves as a resource to ambition, there were some grounds to believe that Alcibiades was no less solicitous for conquering Sicily and Carthage, which he pretended to possess afterwards as his own, to enrich his family, than to render it glorious. It is natural to suppose that Alcibiades did not let this speech of Nicias go unanswered.

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This," says Alcibiades, "is not the first time that merit has excited "jealousy, and glory been made the object of envy. That very thing "which is imputed to me for a crime, is, I will presume to say it, the honor "of my country, and ought to gain me applause. The splendour in which "I live; the great sums I expend, particularly in the public assemblies; "besides their being just and lawful, at the same time give foreigners a greater idea of the glory of Athens, and show that it is not in such want "of money as our enemies imagine. But this is not our present business. "Let the world form a judgment of me, not from passion and prejudice, "but from my actions. Was it an inconsiderable service I did the republic “in bringing over in one day to its alliance the people of Elis, of Mantinea, and of Argos, that is the chief strength of Peloponnesus? Make "use, therefore, to aggrandize your empire of Alcibiades' youth and folly, "since his enemies give it that name, as well as of the wisdom and expe"rience of Nicias; and do not repent from vain and idle fears, your engaging in an enterprise publicly resolved upon, and which may redound "infinitely both to your glory and advantage. The cities of Sicily, weary "of the unjust and cruel government of their princes, and still more of "the tyrannical authority which Syracuse exercises over them, wait only "for a favourable opportunity to declare themselves, and are ready to

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open their gates to whomsoever shall offer to take off the yoke under "which they have so long groaned. Though the citizens of Egesta, in ❝ quality of your allies, should not have a right to your protection, yet the "glory of Athens ought to engage you to support them. Republics ag"grandize themselves by succouring the oppressed, and not by living in"active. In the present state of your affairs, the only way to dispirit "your enemies, and show that you are not afraid of them, will be, to harass one nation, to check the progress of another, to keep them all em"ployed, and carry your arms into distant countries. Athens was not “formed for ease; and it was not by inactivity that your ancestors raised "it to the height in which we now see it. For the rest, what hazards will "you run by engaging in the enterprize in question? If it should be crown"ed with success, you will then possess yourselves of all Greece; and "should it not answer your expectations, your fleet will give you an op"portunity of retiring whenever you please. The Lacedæmonians, indeed, "may make an incursion into our country, but, besides that it would not be "in our power to prevent it, though we should not invade Sicily, we still "shall preserve the empire of the sea in spite of them; a circumstance "which makes our enemies entirely despair of ever being able to conquer Be not therefore biassed by Nicias' reasons. The only tendency of "them is to sow the seeds of discord between the young and the old men, "who can do nothing without one another, since it is wisdom and courage, "counsel and execution, that give success to all enterprises; and this in "which we are going to embark, cannot but turn to your advantage."

* us.

* The Athenians flattered and pleased with Alcibiades' speech persisted in their first opinion. Nicias, on the other side, did not depart from his; but at the same time did not dare oppose Alcibiades any farther. Nicias was naturally of a soft and timid disposition. He was not, like Pericles, master of that lively and vehement eloquence, which, like a torrent, bears down all things in its way. And indeed the latter, on several occasions and at several times, had never failed to check the wild starts of the populace, who even then meditated the expedition into Sicily, because he was always inflexible, and never slackened the reins of that authority and kind of Sovereignty which he had acquired over the people; whereas Nicias,† both by acting and speaking in an easy and gentle manner, so far from winning over the people, suffered himself to be forcibly and involuntarily carried away; and accordingly he at last yielded to the people, and accepted the command in a war which he plainly foresaw would be attended with the most fatal consequences.

Plutarch makes this reflection in bis excellent treatise, where speaking of the qualities requisite in a statesman, he shows how very necessary eloquence and inflexible constancy and perseverance are to him.

Nicias, not daring to oppose Alcibiades any longer openly, endeavoured to do it indirectly, by starting a great number of difficulties, drawn especially from the great expence of this expedition. He declared, that since they were resolved upon war, they ought to carry it on in such a manner as might suit the exalted reputation to which Athens had attained; that a fleet was not sufficient to oppose so formidable a power as that of the Syracusans and their allies; that they must raise an army, composed of good horse and foot, if they desired to act in a manner worthy of so grand a design; that besides their fleet, which was to make them masters at sea,

*Plut. in præc. de ger. rep. p. 802.

+ Καθαπερ αμέλει χαλινω τω λόγω πειρωμένος αποςρέφειν τον δήμον, 8 κατέχειν.

they must have a great number of transports to carry provisions perpetually to the army, which otherwise could not possibly subsist in an enemy's country; that they must carry vast sums of money with them, without waiting for that promised them by the citizens of Egesta, who perhaps were ready in words only, and very probably might break their promise; that they ought to weigh and examine the disparity there was between themselves and their enemies with regard to the conveniences and wants of the army, the Syracusans being in their own country, in the midst of powerful allies, disposed by inclination, as well as engaged by interest, to assist them with men, arms, horses, and provisions; whereas the Athenians would carry on the war in a remote country, possessed by their enemies, where in the winter, news could not be brought them in less than four months time; a country where all things would oppose the Athenians, and nothing be pro cured but by force of arms; that it would reflect the greatest ignominy on the Athenians, should they be forced to abandon their enterprise, and thereby become the scorn and contempt of their enemies, by their neglecting to take all the precautions which so important a design required; that as for himself, he was determined not to go, unless he was provided with all things necessary for the expedition, because the safety of the whole army depended on that circumstance; and that he would not rely on the caprice or the precarious engagements of the allies.

* Nicias had flattered himself that this speech would cool the ardour of the people, whereas it only inflamed it the more. Immediately the generals had full powers given them to raise as many troops and fit out as many galleys as they should judge necessary; and the levies were accordingly carried on in Athens and other places with inexpressible activity.

SECTION VIII.

THE ATHENIANS PREPARE TO SET SAIL, &c. &c.

WHEN all things were ready for their departure,† and they were preparing to set sail, there happened several bad omens, which filled the minds of the people with trouble and disquietude. The women were at that time celebrating the festival of Adonis, during which the whole city was in mourning, and full of images representing dead persons and funeral processions; and every part echoed with the cries and groans of the women, who followed those statues with lamentations of that kind; whence it was feared that this gay and magnificent armament would soon lose all its splendour, and wither away like a flower.

The general affliction was increased by another accident. The statues of Mercury, which stood at the entrance of private houses and temples, were all mutilated in one night, and particularly in the face; and although a great reward was promised to any person who should discover the authors of so audacious a crime, no one was accused. The citizens could not forbear considering this uncommon event, not only as an unlucky omen,

*Diod. I. xiii. p. 134.

A. M. 3589. Ant. J. C. 415. Thucyd. 1. vi. p. 428. Plut. in Alcib. p. 200, 201. This superstitious rite had extended even to God's people. "And behold, "there sat women weeping for Tamuz." Ezek. viii. 14. N. B. The Latin version of the Bible, which Mr. Rollin follows, says, 66 weeping for Adonis," which is the same as Tamuz, the Hebrews calling Adonis by that name.

The historian alludes to the plants and flowers that were carried in that ceremony, and which went by the name of Adonis' gardens.

but as a contrivance of some factious men, who harboured very ill designs. Some young people had already been accused of committing much the like crime in the midst of their cups, and particularly of having wantonly mimicked the ceremonies and mysteries of Ceres and Proserpine, with Alcibiades, who represented the high-priest, at their head.* It highly concerns all those in exalted stations to be extremely careful of every step they take, and not to give the least opportunity to the most inveterate malice to censure them. They ought to call the mind, says Plutarch, that the eyes of all men are upon their conduct, and that they are ever eagleeyed on these occasions; that not only their outward actions pass the most severe scrutiny, but that they penetrate to their most private apartments, and there take the strictest notice of their discourses, their diversions, and the most secret things transacted by them. It was this dread of the piercing eye of the people, that kept Themistocles and Pericles perpetually on their guard, and obliged them to refrain from most of those pleasures in which others indulge themselves.

As for Alcibiades, he did not know what it was to lay himself under any restraints; aud accordingly, as his character was so well known, people were persuaded he very probably had been concerned in what had happened. His luxury, libertinism, and irreligion gave an air of probability to this charge, and the accuser was not afraid of telling his name. This attack staggered the constancy and resolution of Alcibiades; but hearing the soldiers and sailors declare that they were induced to engage in this expedition by no other motive but their affection for Alcibiades, and that, should the least injury be done him, they would all leave the service; he took heart, and appeared at his trial on the day appointed for that purpose. His enemies, upon pretence that it was necessary for the fleet to set sail, got the judgment superseded. It was to no purpose for Alcibiades to in sist upon being tried, in case he was guilty, and not be ruined in his absence, and to represent, that it would be the most shocking and barbarous injustice to oblige him to embark for so important an expedition, without first making due inquiry into the accusations and horrid slanders which were cast upon him, the bare thoughts of which would keep him in perpetual fear and anxiety. However, none of these remonstrances proved effectual, and the fleet was ordered to set out.

†They accordingly prepared to set sail, after having appointed Corcyra the rendezvous for most of the allies, and such ships as were to carry the provisions, &c. All the citizens, as well as foreigners in Athens, flocked by day-break to the port of Pyræus. The former attended their children, relations, friends or companions, with a joy overcast with a little sorrow, upon their bidding adieu to persons that were as dear to them as life, who were setting out on a far distant and very dangerous expedition, from which it was uncertain whether they ever would return, though they flattered themselves with the hopes that it would be successful. The foreigners came thither to feed their eyes with a sight which was highly worthy their curiosity; for no single city in the world had ever fitted out so gallant a fleet. Those indeed which had been sent against Epidaurus and Potidæa, were as considerable with regard to the number of soldiers and ships; but then they were not equipped with so much magnificence, neither was their voyage so long, nor their enterprise so important. Here were seen a land and a naval army, provided with the utmost care, and at the expence of

*Plut. in præc. de rep. p. 800.

Thucyd. p. 430-432. Diod. l. xiii. p. 135.

particular persons as well as of the public, with all things necessary, on acThe city count of the length of the voyage and the duration of the war. furnished 100 empty galleys, that is, 60 light ones, and 40 to transport the soldiers heavily armed. Every mariner received daily a drachm, or ten pence French, for his pay, exclusively of what the captains of ships gave the rowers of the first bench. Add to this, the pomp and magnificence that was displayed universally, every one striving to eclipse the rest, and each captain endeavouring to make his ship the lightest, and at the same time the gayest in the whole fleet. I shall not take notice of the choice of the soldiers and seamen, who were the flower of the Athenians, nor of their emulation with regard to the beauty and neatness of their arms and equipage, any more than of their officers, who had laid out considerable sums purely to distinguish themselves, and to give foreigners an advantageous idea of their persons and circumstances; so that this sight had the air of a tournament, in which the utmost magnificence is displayed, rather than of a warlike expedition. But the boldness and greatness of the design still exceeded its expence and splendour.

When the ships were loaded, and the troops got on board, the trumpet sounded, and solemn prayers were offered up for the success of the expedition; gold and silver cups were filling every where with wine, and the accustomed libations were poured out; the people who lined the shore, shouting at the same time, and lifting up their hands to heaven, to wish their fellow citizens a good voyage and success. And now the hymn being sung, and the ceremonies ended, the ships sailed one after another, out of the harbour, after which they strove to outsail one another, till the whole fleet met at Ægina. From thence it made for Corcyra, where the army of the allies was assembling with the rest of the fleet.

SECTION IX.

SYRACUSE IS ALARMED. THE ATHENIAN FLEET ARRIVES IN SICILY.

ADVICE † of this expedition coming to Syracuse from all quarters, it was thought so improbable that at first nobody would believe it. But as it was more and more confirmed every day, the Syracusans began to think seriously of making the necessary preparations, and sent deputations to every part of the island, to ask assistance of some, and send succours to others. They garrisoned all the castles and forts in the country, reviewed all the soldiers and horses, examined the arms in the magazines, and settled and prepared all things as if the enemy had been in their country.

In the mean time the fleet sailed in three squadrons, each under the command of its particular general. It consisted of 136 ships, 100 whereof belonged to Athens, and the rest to the allies. On board these ships were 5000 heavy armed soldiers, 2200 of whom were Athenian citizens, viz. 1500 of those who had estates, and 700 who had none, but were equally citizens: the rest consisted of allies. With regard to the light infantry, there were 80 archers of Crete, and 400 of other countries, 700 Rhodian slingers, and 120 exiles of Megara. There was but one company of horse, consisting of 30 troopers, who had embarked on board a vessel

They were called Spaura. quently more trouble in rowing. Thucyd. l. vi. p. 432–445. These were called s.

They had longer oars than the rest, and consp

Diod. l. xiii. p. 155, 136.

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