with air so princely upon the Danube, and stretched her sable wing so far into the centre of Germany on the right, and touched the border land of Asia on the left, shading so large a portion of the west with the dimness of night. It is long since the heathen poet said that kingdoms lose in moments what it cost them years to win. Never, perhaps, in the history of the world, full as it is with the memorials of the fickleness of fortune, was the saying more strikingly verified. The wind has passed over it, and all that Austria had been building up during the slow centuries is gone. Her fame in arms; her renown in statesmanship; the terror of her name; all are gone. And now, the goodliest of her territories reft from her, the nationalities that were united under her sway breaking away from her, she is compelled to supplicate where before she could command; and, is as good as bidden retire from Europe. What a terrible mortification ! What a sudden and startling change!

But what of to-morrow? Never was to-morrow more deeply veiled. It is not Austria that has closed her career, it is Europe-Europe as readjusted in 1815-readjusted in the interests of the despotic and Papal powers, that has closed its career, and must be reconstructed. But who shall say what the Europe that is coming will be? Who shall predict its shape, its divisions, its formative and dominating principles? Easy is it to guess at what kings and diplomatists would make it. Their skill and craft after all are very circumscribed, and the cards they can deal out are not inexhaustible. But there is One sitting above them who is said to "laugh" when the kings of the earth plot; and there is a more powerful instrument than the "needle-gun" acting in the depths of European society, which may effect transformations as wondrous and as sudden as any the other has helped to work. It has sometimes happened that the shape that has come up at the bidding of the conjuror has amazed most of all the conjuror himself. Diplomacy is about to conjure up a new Europe;" it may be that the "new Europe" may amaze most of all the diplomatists.

But first, what is the probable arrangements and form of that Europe which statesmen will give us. We write at a moment when the congress which is to determine this grave question is assembling. The varying and winding current of diplomacy it is not possible to trace beforehand to its certain issue, but the general outline of the "Europe" that will issue from the congress at Prague may be guessed at. Well then, Prussia will come in the room of Austria as a great military power; and population, territory, and influence, will pass over from the one to the other. So far the gain is on the side of civilisation and Protestantism. The shadow that has rested on the east of Europe will recede, and the sphere of the light, we wish we could say that that light was less mixed and doubtful-will enlarge. Draw a line along by the Maine eastward through Germany. All the States on the north of that line, embracing middle and northern Germany, will be ranged under Prussia. Some of them may still retain their autonomy, but their military organisation, and their foreign policy, will be under the sole direction of Prussia. North of the Maine, there will be, so far as the rest of the world is concerned, but one power, and that will embrace a territory inhabited by fully thirty millions of souls. South of the Maine there will be another German Confederation, amounting to about ten millions of a population, and made up of the less enlightened and active of the German

races. These may or may not be grouped under the presidency of Austria. It is talked of at present that they will be left to the freedom of their own will, to erect themselves into an independent confederation, or to choose Austria as their head and protector. If left to make their choice, as probably they will be, it is very unlikely that they will attach themselves to Austria, a disabled and humiliated power, and alien in blood; they are much more likely to form an independent confederation, or to place themselves under Prussia, for with her is at this moment the prestige of victory, and of influence, and races are more likely to gather to a rising than to a falling power. Moreover, Prussia is akin in blood, and so the more likely to draw to herself the races south of the Maine. We are therefore not unlikely to witness the rise of a great German nation or power, forty millions strong, under the leadership of Prussia, having one foreign policy, and one military organisation.

The

This implies the exclusion of Austria, not only from Germany, but almost from Europe. Austria will be shoved far to the eastward, and, hanging on by the skirts of Europe, she will become, as regards the character of the races over which she will henceforward reign, a semibarbarous power. Her place will be betwixt Asia and Europe. civilisation of her peoples will be semi-Asiatic, and her own policy a cross betwixt that of Europe and Asia. To crown her calamities it may be that the Hungarians will break away from her, having little save the recollection of injuries to connect them with the house of Hapsburg. But what will be the effect of the decadence, not to say annihilation of Austria upon the Papacy? This is the question that most concerns the Christian. Beyond doubt, one of the main pillars of the world's worst despotism has been struck from under it, or greatly weakened at least, and the Christian ought to rejoice at what has happened, as one in a chain of grand providential acts by which his Redeemer is paving the way for the overthrow of the Anti-christian system in due time. We read of a city of old which sat upon a great river, which was one of the main bulwarks of her defence, and one of the main sources of her revenue, which was suddenly diverted from its bed before that city fell. Austria, like a great river, had gathered into her channel those various nations and races whose devotion, offerings, and military power formed one of the main defences in our day of the Papacy. The waters of that river have been suddenly diverted from their bed. France upheld Rome upon policy. Austria upheld it upon principle. Now Austria has ceased to sit, at least as a preponderating power, at the council table of Europe, and sorely will Rome miss its presence there. Are we likely, on that account, to have less annoyance from Papal intrigue and propagandism. The very opposite. We feel assured that Jesuit activity and intrigue will be stirred up ten-fold by what has happened, and that there comes to all Europe a period of unexampled agitation and embroilment. From the congress at Prague there will come forth no permanent arrangement; it will leave a hundred dangerous questions for after-contention. The society of St Vincent de Paul-the modern Jesuits-whose myriadmembership covers Europe, will set itself to reconstruct the world upon an ultramontane basis; and failing such reconstruction, it will precipitate Europe upon revolution. We have before us a year or so of transition, and then fiercer divisions and bloodier wars than those that have just passed.

But these dark clouds turn their silver lining to the Church. Austria has been a great persecutor. In 1671 she began the persecution of the churches of Silesia, Moravia, and Hungary, which ended in almost the utter extinction of the gospel in her dominions; and no one could witness these cruel deeds, or peruse the record of them, without saying that "if there be a God in heaven, and a Christ upon the throne of the universe, surely these acts will bring retribution." It is not always the guiltiest generation on whom punishment falls. Christ has at length heard the cry of His saints, and has broken Austria "in pieces, as a potter's vessel." So shall He one day lay low the towers and pinnacles of all those proud empires which have lifted their heads defiantly to heaven, and set themselves "against the Lord and His anointed."

PROTESTANT INSTITUTE OF SCOTLAND.

THE Editor of the Bulwark ventures to call the special attention of his readers to the following appeal, the importance of which he believes it is nearly impossible to over-estimate. Twenty years of earnest work have been spent in bringing the Protestant Institute of Scotland to its present state, and one effort more, it is hoped, will establish it so far on a permanent basis, and clear away all the initial difficulties. The following appeal has already been addressed privately to a number of friends of the cause, and already £155 has been received, with some very kind and encouraging letters. Between £400 and £500, however, will be neces sary fully to secure the object in view. All sums addressed to the Rev. Dr Begg, 50 George Square, Edinburgh, will be very cordially welcomed :

DEAR SIR,-I am instructed to make one more appeal to your enlightened liberality in behalf of the Protestant Institute of Scotland. You will no doubt be gratified to learn, that since the Institute was established five years ago, upwards of one thousand students belonging to all Protestant denominations have been enrolled and trained in its various classes. At this rate, as the result of persevering efforts, we may expect great good, by the divine blessing, in the way of gradually enlight ening the public mind on the nature of Romanism, and the danger to which our country is exposed by its continued and successful aggressions. Our classes have been carried on in the three University towns, viz., Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Aberdeen; and have also been held at Paisley, Dumbarton, and Leith. A short course of lectures has also recently been delivered in a few of the other towns of Scotland, such as Dumfries, Perth, and Nairn, to be continued in Inverness. In these days of advancing Romanism, we are most anxious to continue and extend these hopeful efforts, and thus to make our Institute a blessing to the whole nation.

A library for consultation on the different questions of Protestantism and Romanism, doctrinal and historical, consisting of works of authoritative writers on the subject, has also been established. This library is already of great value. It consists of nearly two thousand volumes, and is perhaps the best of its kind in the United Kingdom.

The whole property and buildings of the Institute, including the ancient Mag dalene Chapel, Lecture Hall, Committee Room, Library Room, and other business premises, are now entirely free from debt; but as no fee is charged from students, the great matter now is to secure that our limited income be not exhausted by extraneous demands, and that we shall have a sufficient revenue to pay the salary of the professor and other lecturers, including necessary expenses and the giving

of prizes. We have always hitherto been hampered by preliminary difficulties, and have never yet got a thoroughly clear start, although our scheme, even in its crippled and imperfect state, has more than justified the anticipations of its founders.

In connexion especially with certain recent necessary alterations on our premises, the prospective painting of them which is urgently required, the making of important additions to the library, and the paying of the arrears of the professor's salary, which had unavoidably accumulated during the erection of the buildings, the directors of the Institute find that they require to make this additional application to their friends: an application which, if it is promptly and liberally responded to, will set them free from all difficulty, and enable them to prosecute their great work with renewed energy, and, by the blessing of God, with increasing success. Rome is untiring in her efforts, and most liberal, not to say lavish, in her contributions. What is now needed is a sum to clear us once for all of our initial difficulties,—a small sum compared with what has already been raised, but still absolutely necessary. Some of our most liberal contributors have been called to their rest. The directors earnestly trust that this application will be suc. cessful with those that remain; that all their friends, considering the great interests at stake, will promptly respond to this appeal, and thus place this most valuable and important Institution, which present and prospective events prove to be of vital and growing importance, in a thoroughly permanent and efficient working state.

I respectfully and earnestly hope that, from love to the cause of God and truth, you will kindly favour me with an early and favourable answer. I am, dear sir, yours faithfully, JAMES BEGG, Convener.

FRENCH POPISH BOASTING.

COUNT MONTALEMBERT, writing of England, has said :—

"All the restrictions imposed by the Act of 1829 to the development of the Jesuits and other religious orders, all the penalties recently decreed against the taking public possession of Episcopalian titles, have been absolutely and ridiculously powerless, thanks to the liberty of association, the liberty of tuition, and the liberty of the Press, of which it is no longer possible to deprive an English citizen. Laws must be made individually and nominatively to deprive of this liberty such and such a man on account of the religion he professes; and if such laws were now made, judges, agents, and denunciators must be specially found to apply them. That was done formerly, but now the force of Liberal habits would not allow the public passions to go to this extremity. The pride of the Anglicans and the fanaticism of the Dissenters would rejoice at seeing English and Irish Catholics replunged in their former slavery; but, placed under the protection of the principles and the practice of a Government sincerely constitutional, the Catholics have until now braved with triumph the hatred and the malice of their enemies. Their churches, their houses of education, and their monasteries for both sexes are founded, are peopled, and are maintained with a facility and a liberty which not only is not surpassed, but which is not even equalled in any country of the world, be it Catholic or Protestant. Their liberty may now be reckoned as beyond all danger. What remains to them now is to obtain in practice a more sincere and equitable observation of the principles of equality in all that refers to the nomination to employments -an equal share in public grants-the intervention of ecclesiastics paid by the State in the army, in the prisons, and in the hospitals-and this. they will attain; slowly, perhaps, but they will attain it: their rights, their rapidly increasing numbers, the necessities of the time in which we live-everything is for them."