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4th of July, and to the expressive silence of the Prime Minister on that occasion. His Grace was pleased to say, "The Act gives no power further than that of making certain reports on an important subject respecting the Government of Canada, and of directing the formation of a commission of inquiry for that purpose; in any other respect, so far as my recollection serves me, I know of no other powers given to the Earl of Durham which are not ordinarily given to every Governor of a colony." * * * When the leaders of those two great parties, the one by the most unqualified expressions, and the other by consenting silence, concurred in depreciating the authority with which I had been invested, that authority was seriously weakened. The effect upon the public mind was instantaneous and most remarkable: the disaffected, and how numerous these are your Lordship will have learned from my despatch of the 9th August, were encouraged to believe that as my authority was so questioned, the manner in which it had been or might be exercised would to a certainty be vigorously assailed by the Opposition and feebly defended by the Government; and they inferred that the success of my mission, which, as all parties at home had allowed when the danger was imminent, and all here still felt, depended on the vigorous exercise of an extraordinary authority, was thus rendered next to impossible. In forty-eight hours after the speech attributed to the Duke of Wellington had been published here, the tone of that part of the press which represents the disaffected exhibited a remarkable change, giving evidence no longer of submission, however unwilling, to extraordinary powers unhesitatingly exercised, but of discontent, irritation, and seditious hopes. From that time forth, too, down to this day, I have continually received intimations of a state of feeling amongst the Canadian peasantry of the district of Montreal, which threatens, if not actual disturbances during the winter, still so much combination of purpose and means amongst the disaffected as to require the utmost vigilance on the part of Government. Nor did the Duke of Wellington's speech and Lord Melbourne's silence on that occasion produce a less mischievous effect upon the great bulk of the British race in this colony. As respects this class, the first impression created by this evidence of my being left without adequate support at home, was one of despondency. I can speak almost from my own personal knowledge of numbers, including gentlemen of the most respectable character and highest influence, who had entered into all my views for the improvement of this muchneglected country, who were aware of my determination, so

far as it might depend upon me, to remove the causes, to dry up the very source of past dissensions, and to render this colony essentially British in its laws, institutions, and character: who had, merely on account of those views and intentions, afforded me their confiding support; and who were employing their valuable influence in diverting public attention from the miserable past, and endeavouring to fix it on a happy prospect of peace and prosperity. These gentlemen, when the news in question arrived from England, when they perceived that I was left alone to struggle with unparalleled difficulties, could no longer rely on the accomplishment of any of the important measures that I had projected. They were therefore led most naturally, as it appears to me, instead of looking with confidence to the future, first to despair of any fruit from my exertions, and next to recur to the past with feelings of irritation as violent as were ever produced amongst the British race in this colony by the worst previous sacrifice of colonial interests to the objects of mere party in the mother country. Such is the unanimity of opinion and feeling amongst the British population of this colony, that the individuals whom I have described fairly represent the whole class. The despondency and irritation of that class were as conspicuous as the half-elated and threatening activity of the disaffected portion of the French Canadians. Such was the effect produced upon both classes (that is, upon the great bulk of the people) by the party proceedings at home.

Although I happened to be suffering from severe illness during the period in which this change of feeling was in course of taking place, I was constantly informed of its progress; and I must not conceal from your Lordship, that this information had a most discouraging effect upon myself. It soon became plain to me, that the great difficulties necessarily attendant on my position, were fearfully increased by the assaults made upon my government by the opposition at home, and tacitly (when not even in a still more injurious mode) suffered by Her Majesty's Ministers. Upon two things alone could I chiefly rely for ultimate success. The first was, the great extent of the legal powers conferred upon me, enhanced as they had been morally by the universal expression in England of satisfaction at my having undertaken to exercise them. The second was the impression, which prevailed throughout these colonies, that I might reckon with perfect confidence on the undeviating approval and support of the members of Her Majesty's Government, with most of whom I had been so long and intimately connected, as well by personal friendship as by political relations. By the proceedings in question I was

deprived of these, the only, but all-sufficient grounds of confidence in my own exertions. Your Lordship may believe that the people of these colonies are not better acquainted with the springs and influences of party politics in England than are most English politicians with the real state of parties and public affairs in this distant part of the world. You will easily understand, therefore, that no sufficient allowance was made here for the nature of those party motives which had dictated the proceedings of the Opposition and the Government in respect to my mission. It was supposed that the great party in opposition at home really believed my authority to be no more extensive than that of an ordinary governor in ordinary times; that Her Majesty's Ministers were of a similar opinion; that all my promises of unusual measures suited to the unusual circumstances of the case, had been made inadvertently or delusively; and that I had no more prospect of healing the wounds inflicted on this country by a long course of shifting and temporizing policy, than if the Act for suspending a constitution, and conferring legislative powers on an individual, had never passed. In fact, whatever may be the powers which that Act legally confers upon me, the moral authority of my government, the prestige, if I may so speak, of power, once imagined to be so great, and of a supposed unbounded influence with Her Majesty's Government, was gone, apparently for ever. Under these circumstances, I was greatly tempted to resign an authority which appeared to have become inadequate to the grave emergency which alone had called for its existence. I did not, however, give way to this sentiment of despair. On the contrary, making all allowance for party motives, which could not be appreciated by the people of these colonies; trusting that the approaching recess of Parliament would soon leave me undisturbed to pursue the useful course on which I had already determined; relying not a little on the early promulgation here of legislative measures calculated to encourage British enterprize and promote general prosperity; and above all, influenced by a conviction that the worst consequences might result from my resignation; I deemed it my duty to the Queen, to my country, and to the people of these colonies, who had generously confided in my good intentions, to persevere in my course so long as there was the least chance of success. Thus impelled, I banished every thought of resignation, and occupied myself more diligently than ever in bringing to maturity the whole series of measures by which I have hoped that these colonies might be established in peace and prosperity as a happy and loyal portion of the British empire. I was thus engaged when I received your Lordship's

despatches, conveying to me the most flattering expressions of the satisfaction which all my measures, including the proclamation and ordinances relating to the political prisoners, had given to Her Majesty's Government.

Those despatches were the more gratifying to me, inasmuch as they were accompanied by numerous unofficial letters from members of the Government, and especially by those from yourself and Lord Melbourne, whereby the expressions of official approbation were most warmly and kindly confirmed.

While those despatches and letters were still before me, an American newspaper, which had reached Quebec by the same conveyance, was placed in my hands. Your Lordship will judge of my astonishment, when I inform you that it contained a report of the proceedings in the House of Lords on the 7th, 9th, and 10th of August.

me.

At present no other information on the subject has reached

I shall abstain, until officially informed, from entering at any length on that important subject; meanwhile, however, it behoves me to assure your Lordship that public opinion here does not wait for the receipt of official intelligence on matters of vital moment to the interests of all; and that it has been most deeply affected by the sufficiently authentic intelligence already received. I have had no choice (as I shall fully explain in a future despatch), but to declare whether or not I should resign my now useless office. As your Lordship will perceive, by the documents which I have the honour to enclose (being an address to myself from the delegates of the Colonies of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward's Island, with my answer), I have resolved on resigning an authority which has now, indeed, become thoroughly inadequate to the ends for which it was created, and on quitting a post which has been rendered altogether untenable by those from whom I expected every possible assistance in maintaining it.

I shall not lose a moment, after hearing officially of the recent proceedings in England, in fully explaining to your Lordship the reasons for my having arrived at this determination, and the grounds on which I may, after ample deliberation, decide upon the time for carrying it into effect.

(Enclosures.)

ADDRESS of the Delegations from the Eastern Colonies to His Excellency the Governor-General.

IN approaching your Lordship on the eve of our departure from Quebec, we beg unanimously to offer to your Lordship the expression of our highest respect, and of the deep concern with which we have heard of your Lordship's rumoured intention to resign the government of these Provinces.

The duties of the mission with which we have been entrusted by the Lieutenant-governors of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, and the frankness of communication permitted by your Lordship, have brought us into acquaintance with your Lordship's feelings and views in relation to British North America, and irresistibly impressed our minds with the conviction, that your Lordship cherishes an ardent desire to elevate the colonies committed to your government, and entertains conceptions calculated to render that desire effective.

In a review of the short period of the Government under your Lordship's personal direction, we behold your Lordship with that feeling, so congenial to Englishmen, which turns with repugnance from the shedding of blood on the scaffold, blending mercy with justice; while returning tranquillity had already rewarded an administration conducted without the sacrifice of one human life; and we were aware that improved laws and institutions were in preparation, which under a Government, firm, mild, and impartial, gave to the future the reasonable prospect of restored confidence and renovated prosperity.

In the provinces with which we are personally connected, we saw in the warm interest, the enlightened and comprehensive views, and extensive powers of your Lordship, the dawning of vigour and improvement hitherto unknown. With your Lordship's departure those anticipations will we fear fade away; but although it should be our lot to see these provinces coutinue feeble and nerveless compared with the condition at which their natural advantages entitle them to aim, yet shall we ever remember with gratitude the statesman who, exalted in the first rank, and treading on the highest eminences of political life in our common country, hesitated not, at the call of his Sovereign, with disinterested zeal to undertake an office of unparalleled difficulty, and has given to these distant territories the benefit of his enlarged experience and vigorous conceptions. Your Lordship's comprehensive mind has opened