to provide for the demands of the market, and to prepare for the supplies of seed which a more favourable season had required.

This of itself is sufficient to explain the high price for several weeks, without supposing any great deficiency of crop, or any improper arts to keep back grain and to starve the market. It certainly was an unfortunate error to ascribe the prices too much either to the deficiency on the one hand, or to monolopy on the other. In the one case it gave a sanction to high price, and in the other to unfounded popular clamour. The past prices, however, I am fully convinced, ought not to be taken as a proof and index of what future prices may be. If the order of things by which the market has so long been regularly supplied be not disturbed by impolitic interference; if we are prudent to encourage importa tion, and firm to oppose all useless waste, there must in the course of the year be a gradual abatement of price. In fact, as soon as the effect of importation and economy begin to be felt, no regulation will be necessary to supply the market and to reduce the price, The most prejudiced will see, that the surest remedy for monopoly, if it has existed (and I do not believe it has existed to any considerable extent), is to increase the quantity and to diminish the consumption, to which highness of price must essentially contribute. If corn has been kept up, it will be sufficient to bring it out, to show both to the grower and consumer that we have the means of rendering the supply of the whole year adequate to the demand. A proper diminution of price will then ensue: for no man who truly estimates the difficulty of our real situation, and the means by which alone it can be relieved, would desire that in a time of scarcity the price should experience a temporary depression to what it would be in a time of plenty. This would be to remove the necessary and most effectual corrective of scarcity.

I trust, therefore, that one of our first measures will be, to go into a committee of the whole house, to fix the quantum of bounty to be allowed on importation. I should next propose, that a select committee be appointed to investigate the subject of the scarcity, and to this committee will be referred that part of the king's speech which refers to this point. I should propose like

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wise, that the committee shall from time to time recommend such measures as seem on the result of its inquiry fit to' be adopted. do not wish to anticipate any of their measures; but one suggests itself, which may be of great benefit as a regulation, particularly if sanctioned by example. This would be, to direct that all parochial relief, instead of being given in money, or wheaten bread, shall be given in bread partly made up of some wholesome substi tutes. I believe that this practice has already made its way in some parts, and it appears to me that its extension would be attended with the most beneficial effects.

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Thus much I have thought it necessary to state on the two leading points respecting the scarcity. On the question of peace or war, I shall only observe, that, as the papers on which the merits of the case must be decided are not yet before the house, it would be premature to enter at large into the discussion. There certainly is nothing in the address which pledges any opinion of the house on that point: this pledge it gives indeed, which no man I hope will shrink from, that if peace cannot be concluded on terms consistent with public faith, with the national honour and interests, we shall continue to support his Majesty with that firmness, decision, and energy which this house has uniformly displayed. I cannot anticipate any difference of opinion on this head. The speech states what will no doubt appear distinctly from the com mications that are about to be laid before parliament, that his Majty could not negociate without separating his interests from those of his allies; and the importance of those alliances is justified by the desire of the enemy to dissolve them. If, then, the enemy advanced a pretension so unheard-of, as that his Majesty, as the price of connection with them, should break his faith to those allies with whom he was connected; if, as the price of being united in amity with his Majesty, France wished to put an end to the union which subsisted between him and his allies, surely I ought not to presume that in such a preliminary to a negociation, any member of this house will find conditions, which prove the sincerity of those who pretend to be the friends of general tranquillity, or conditions to which his Majesty could have acceeded. I

trust, therefore, that as unanimity is desirable on every occasion, the house will without delay, and with a concurrence approaching to unanimity, proceed to declare its readiness to adopt such measures as alone are calculated to afford relief to the community. This is the only way to prove a sincere and enlightened regard to. the interests and well-being of the poor. By shewing a real and substantial regard to their happiness, we shall guard against the consequences of the false and dangerous expectations with which, by factious persons, they have been deluded on the subject of the remedies of which their sufferings admit. Parliament cannot by any charm convert scarcity into plenty; but it is something to shew that no time is lost in adopting every practicable means of alleviating the present distress, and ensuring the regular subsistence of the people. In the further discussion let us proceed with caution, and examine with impartiality. Let us act with proper temper, firmness and sobriety, that we may be able to discover where the cause of the evil really rests, and apply the remedy which will be truly serviceable.

The House, after negativing an amendment proposed by Mr. Grey, agreed ➡the address without a division,

November 27, 1800.

ON a motion by Mr. Tierney for the House to resolve itself into a committee, to inquire into the State of the Nation,

Mr. PITT spoke to the following effect :

Sir The honourable gentleman in the speeeh which he has just concluded, has gone over a most extensive range of argument, and indeed has extended the topics of discussion beyond the notice which he first gave of his intention. It seemed to be his original view to confine the object of the inquiry he proposed to move, to points connected with the high price of provisions. He talked of moving to have the governor of the bank examined respecting the

• Mr. Tierney.

influence which the operations of the bank and of paper circulation might have produced upon price; but he has now abandoned these restrictive views; he has not mentioned a word of the examination of the governor of the bank, and has thought it better to move for a committee of the whole house on the state of the nation, ns best fitted to investigate that infinite variety of subjects which he has dwelt upon as the grounds of inquiry. It is natural, there fore, that the honourable gentleman's topics should be numerous. The question of peace and war; the operations of our military force; the conduct of those by whom they are planned or executed; our alliances; our financial situation; the state of our constitutional rights, though introduced by the honourable gentleman in a parenthesis; our internal circumstances, with which the dearness of provisions and its remedies are all connected, thus form the natural topics to which a motion, like that which has been made, must be directed.

They look with

The honourable gentleman has said what is true, undoubtedly, of every important occasion in which this house is called upon to déliberate, that the eyes of the country are upon us. The eyes of the country indeed are most earnestly fixed upon us. expectation, as they must feel the good or the bad consequences which result from our decisions. The measures in which the house has been occupied during the preceding part of the session have, in the highest degree, engrossed the attention of the public, and their hopes have not been disappointed. They see the attention of parliament directed to the consideration of the difficulties under which the community labours, and employing every practical remedy to alleviate their distress. I am convinced too that the people are well aware that those do most for their cause, and are most sincerely impressed with their sufferings, who confine them selves most closely to the immediate object of relieving the calamities under which they labour. I do not say that the whole situation of the country may not form a fit subject for inquiry in a committee of the whole house, if strong and conclusive grounds for it can be established. But I must contend that a committee on the state of the nation is that which, for the last hundred years,

has very rarely been moved, and still more rarely complied with. The instances when it led to any practical advantage, are fewer still. It has indeed been employed in some urgent cases, where the topic of inquiry had a direct influence on the whole frame of the government. Such were the committee on the India bills, and, more recently, during the unfortunate illness of his Majesty, when the question of the regency was to be determined. At present the only thing to be considered is, whether the circumstances of our situation be such as to demand that general inquiry which the honourable gentleman recommends, or specific investigations directly leading to practical measures.

With respect to the large and complicated question of peace and war, I believe that upon that, as upon every other point of national interest, the eyes of the people are turned upon parliament; but I do believe that at the present period they do not expect that they can form the subject of our decision or of our discussion. I believe, that the general feeling of the house and of the public upon the subject of peace and war is, that the question is no otherwise changed since we were last assembled, than in this respect, that since that period his Majesty has given the strongest and most unequivocal proofs of his sincere desire for peace: he has shown his willingness to make great sacrifices for the attainment of so desirable an object; and his efforts have been frustrated by the unreasonable and unexampled demands of the enemy, which have prevented the setting on foot such a negociation. Under these circumstances, those who are anxious for the attainment of peace, if they want one consistent with the honour and safety of this country, will feel that the best way of contributing to that object will be to continue to place that confidence in his Majesty's government which they have hitherto done; to strengthen his hands; and to teach our enemies, that the support which has been given to his Majesty will be continued with that firmness and determination which has hitherto been attended with such happy effects. Having stated thus much, I think, upon these general grounds, it rests with the gentlemen on the other side of the house to prove, that when parliament is assembled for a particular purpose, and