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those who could offer some excuse. The mass of the people were gradually affected by this state of things, and became dark and disorderly. Their hearts were no more set on good faith, but they violated their oaths and covenants. The multitudes who suffered from the oppressive terrors, and were in danger of being murdered, declared their innocence to Heaven. God surveyed the people, and there was no fragrance of virtue arising from them, but the rank odour of their cruel punishments.

"The great emperor compassionated the innocent multitudes who were in danger of being murdered, and made the oppressors feel the

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terrors of his majesty. He restrained and finally extinguished the people of Meaou, so that they should not continue to future generations.

6 Then he commissioned Ch'ung and Le to make an end of the communications between earth and heaven, and the descents of spirits ceased. From the princes down to the inferior officers, all helped with clear intelligence the spread of the regular principles of duty,

7 and the solitary and widows were no more disregarded. The great emperor with an unprejudiced mind carried his inquiries low down among the people, and the solitary and widows laid before him their complaints against the Meaou. He sought to awe the people by his virtue, and all were filled with dread; he proceeded also to

Kiiang Siting and Wang Ming-shing thought that in this par. and the next it was Chuenheuh who was the subject, after which the discourse turns to Yaou. Gan-kwO, who is foil, by Woo Chung, makes the emperor to be Yaou all through. Neither view is admissible. The things spoken of in parr. 8,9, can only be ascribeded to Shun. -jjjj at the beginning of p. 8, connects it so closely with p. 7, that we can only understand Shun to be the H •Jjj*. And

as there is no intimation of that l|| ^j* being difft. from the person indicated by the same title in par. 5, we must believe that Shun who is the principal subject in all the rest of this chapter is there intended. This is the view of Ts'ae, after Lin Che-k'e.

We get from what is said of the Meaou in these parr, a higher idea of them and their prince than is commonly entertained. From king Muh's language I judge that Shun had in him a powerful rival, and that the struggle which lasted through the reigns of Yaou, Shun, and Yu was of a dynastic nature. The chief of San-meaou was more than the head of a barbarous horde. He was a dangerous rival for the throne. The ' people' mentioned in p. 4, were probably the people of the empire generally.

Ht here as in the last par. jja

—'ne measures referred to in the ' Can. of Shun,' pp. 12 and 27, are thus described, The

'Daily Explanation ' gives:—Jj| ft ^ T

"F H-J# *& ¥ ** £ W «•

6- 7*) 1r$ rll T&'_llli3 Par- Beem4

to interpose a difficulty in the way of the view which I have adopted above, that it is Slum' l who is to be understood as 'the emperor' in all j this chapter. We read nothing in the Shoo of i his appointing any ministers to do the work I here spoken of. No Clrung and Le were officers ! of his. Nor do they appear among the ministers i of Yaou, though it is attempted to identify j Ch'ung with He (^) and Le with Ho (=fd.J).

I The passage formed the subject of a conversation in the lifetime of Confucius, between king

j Ch'aou (JJ£{ ;n.c. 514—488) of Tsoo and one of his ministers, called Kwan Yih-foo M; ft. 'What is meant,' asked the king, 'by w hat is said in one of the Books of Chow about Ch'ung and Le, that they really brought it about that there was no intercourse between heaven and earth '< If they had not done so, would people have been able to ascend to heaven V (jgj % ffi f g J[ ^ ^ $i

K fit ^ 'lhc mini5,l'r replied7

Vol. in.

that that was not the meaning of the language at all, and he proceeded to give his own view of it at great length, and to the following effect: —Anciently, the people attended to the discharge of their duties to one another, and left the worship of spiritual beings—seeking intercourse with them, and invoking and effecting their descent on earth—to the officers who were appointed for that purpose. In this way things proceeded with great regularity. The people minded their own affairs, and the spirits minded theirs. Tranquillity and prosperity were the consequence. But in the time of Shaou-haou, through the lawlessness of Kew-le, a change took place. The people intruded into the functions of the regulators of the spirits and their worship. They left their duties to their fellowmen, and tried to bring down spirits from above. The spirits themselves, no longer kept in check and subjected to rule, made their appearance all irregularly and disastrously. All was confusion and calamity, when Chuen-heuh took the case in hand. He appointed Ch'ung, the minister of the South, to the superiutendency of heavenly things, to prescribe the rules for the spirits, and Lc, the minister of Fire (or of the North), to the siiperintendency of earthly things, to prescribe the rules for the people.

^). In this way both spirits and people were ought back to their former regular courses, and there was no unhallowed interference of the one with the other. This was the work described in the text,—'the bringing to an end the communication between earth and heaven.' Subsequently, the chief of San-ineaou showed himself a Kew-h redivivus, till You called forth the descendants of Ch'ung and Le who had not forgotten the virtue and function of their fathers, and made them take the case in hand again.

From the details of this strange passage of which I have given a summary, it would appear that the speaker considered that the Ch'ung and Le of the text were ministers of Yaou, descended from those of Chuen-heuh; and this has given rise to the opinion which I have alluded to on p. 3. of ' The Canon of Yaou,' that this was the ancestry of the minister He and Ho who are mentioned there.

That opinion is, without a tittle of satisfactory evidence. Acc. to Yih-foo's statements, Ch'ung's function was that of the minister of Religion, and Le's that of the minister of Instruction, while He and Ho were simply ministers of astronomy, and their descendantscontinue to appear as such in the reign of Ch'ung-k'ang, the grandson of Yu, long after we know that men of other families were appointed to the two important ministries in question. Gaubil's speculations about the employment of the astronomer in the time of Yaou, not only to calculate and observe the motions of the heavenly bodies, but also to do away with conjurors, false worship, &c., fall to the ground;—sec 'Le Chou-king,' p. 292, ii. 1. He says also, that as Chung and Le are the same as He and Ho, if we suppose that Shun is the emperor spoken of here, we must assume that he gave those officers a new commission. But if we were to allow that it is Yaou who is spoken of, which I have shown oa the lad par. to

be inadmissible, we should have the same difficulty with the statement of which I began this note. Ch'ung and Le are nowhere in the previous parts of the Shoo, or in any other reliable documents of history, mentioned as officers of his, any more than of Shun. I do not see that any light can be thrown on the passage. The statements of Kw an Yih-foo in

the p& are entitled to little or no consideration.

I JEJ Z 10E ~f~J have translated this and the rest of the par. after Ts'ae. The 'Daily Explanation' gives for it:—t^j£ J|£ |f^p

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The meaning is, that through the reforms

introduced by Ch'ung and Le, a general reformation among all the higher classes was produced. Princes and inferior officers co-operated with those ministers, and the way was opened for the poorest and most helpless of the people to make their complaints and distresses known to the emperor. A foundation is thus laid for the

M. w fff M ~F S'with which the next

par. commences. It will be observed how all this agrees with the view of little less than a dynastic struggle between Shun and the Meaou.

[Keang shine follows ^ jfe with

€F 'ff? fit and edits t0 tlie end of P-8 on a very unsatisfactory authority, that of Mih

Teih, in whose fjpit f^f, we read;—Q

P. 7. llow Shun proceeded to remedy and remove the evils inflicted by the Meaou. 'with a clear mind.' Ts'ae gives for it,—' with an unprejudiced mind.' jtjjl is

here = ||^, 'pleas,' 'accusations.'

-jr" "2^-,—this is understood to be a dc

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8 enlighten them by his virtue, and all were enlightened. And he charged the three chiefs to labour with compassionate anxiety in the people's behalf. The baron E delivered the statutes of ceremony, to prevent the people from rendering themselves obnoxious to punishment. Yu reduced to order the water and the land, distinguishing by name the hills and rivers. Tseih spread abroad a knowledge of husbandry, so that the people could largely cultivate the admirable grains. When the three chiefs had accomplished their

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this place. Soo Sliih, Wang Kang-chin (

"fe"'atu'a ,los 1 of cr'tir9'go about in vain to defend it by trying toshow that rules of propriety and penal laws are essentially the same thing; —see the ^ ^ and the Ma Yung

and K'ang Siting seem to have read jj^JjC""^ ) 'wise,' 'knowing.' Taking that term here as a verb, we get the meaning—' and made the people wise on the subject of punishments;' in which interpretation few will acquiesce. Wang Ming

shing, defending this reading, says:—Jji

jjj: H But he thus avoids saying

anything on '[^ Bl Ts'ae gives for the

clause- J# tff J£ £ ^ ^ 'to cut off

the perversity of the people,' in the same way eschewing the most perplexing characters. The 'Daily Explanation,' however, after extending his words just quoted, adds—A ■+*

JR] W. Woo Ch'ing comes nearest to an

admissible construction of the passage:—

^P* '^"ne o*1,0" E taught the people the
rules of ceremony, so that they were observers
of propriety, and did not pursue punishable
ways, thus shutting up the path by which the
people, entering on it, would have been led to
punishment.' The translation follows this in-
terpretation, jfe ct, i-U J11''TMPer-
intended the naming of the mountains and
rivers.' Keang Shing gives it more specific
meaning to I^T, making it=« Jjt [Jj )\\
, 'he appointed the spirits who should preside

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9 work, it was abundantly well with the people. The minister of Crime exercised among the people the restraint of punishments, in exact 10 adaptation to eacli offence, to teach them to reverence virtue. The greatest gravity and harmony in the sovereign, and the greatest intelligence in those below him, thus shining forth to all quarters of tlie empire, all were rendered diligent in cultivating their virtue. Hence, if anything more were wanted, the clear adjudication of punishments effected tlie regulation of the people, and helped them to observe the

Dver the mountains and rivers, and arranged their sacrifices.' This is not necessary. Ying-ta observes that the hills and rivers being as old as heaven and earth themselves, they ought to have had names before this; but Yu's regulation of the waters constituted a new era. Old things were passed away, and the names of those objects were perhaps lost, so that Yu named them anew! Certainly, the oldest names of the mountains and streams of a country are those given by the first inhabitants; as the Chinese believe that their hills and rivers got their names from Yu, this is to us a strong evidence that the country was first peopled, or began to be occupied, in his time. On the work of Tseih, see 'Can. of Shun,' p. 18. His appointment there has precedence of that of the baron E, and so has that of Kaou-yaou as the minister of crime. This is a not unimportant point of difference between the more ancient document and

these statements of king Muh. [^^,—' sent

down ;' here = ' taught the knowledge of.'

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but, as is subjoined, 'to teach them to reverence virtue,' so that punishments should be

unnecessary. Keang Shing edits ;and he

and others make the word emphatic, meaning 'punishments exactly adapted to the degreo

of the offence' |g ^ g £ f |, |g

S *M, 4* ^ lit)- This i8 refinin8 i

but it may be admitted.

From king Muh's thus separating Kaou-yaou from the 'three princes' in the last par., both emperors and people have at difft. times been led to place the minister of Crime on a lower level than the other great ministers of State. Kaouyaou was certainly no inferior man with Shun. Nor was he so in the estimation of Muh. He is mentioned by him last, as it was his object to make all his previous statements converge to the subject of punishments.

P. 10. The happy results of this govt, of Shun.

is descriptive of Shun;

tpj ^ ^£ "pC, of his ministers. These two clauses are the subjects of the next—

~f |5j ~}j > and the effccts on 111 the people are told in ffl ^ f£ fJa £ Notwithstanding all this happy influence on the people, there was yet room for the warning

use of punishments, as intimated in j^jr ~pj t^J, -jr^ -y-*. This is the common interpretation of the paragraph. The ^f|J Cjl here is more favourable to the pregnant meaning of the pj3, on which I have spoken in the last par. The only critic of note who takes a difl"t. view of the several clauses is Woo Ch'ing. He takes them all sifter FJJJ fjf] ^ as

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