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double heart, who helped them to maintain and regulate the royal House. Thus did they receive the true favouring decree from God; and thus did great Heaven approve of their ways, and give them 6 the four quarters of the empire. Then they appointed and set up principalities, and established bulwarks to the throne, with a view to us their successors. Now do ye, my uncles, I pray you, consider with one another, and carry out the service which the dukes, your predecessors, rendered to my predecessors. Though your persons be

j=j above, and make the nominative

io^-7i^tZlM^^^:- The

'planting of defences or screens' (mjy Ej is nothing different from the ' setting up of princes'

took the latter view, making pjj. He

gives-^ ft g r£ f| Z H i and 1

have translated accordingly. Ma Yung likewise took !but ne Put tt 8toP there, an<l

joined •fjlj as an adverb with the clause that follows, in which construction Keang Shing has followed him. fjfa ^ £ see Bk.

■=' thus,'' thereby.' = J£ [g,'correct.' We seem to be obliged to understand a after :—' they thus received the right favouring decree from God.' Keang Shing is the only one who construes differently, saying—R|e JJ;^

#TM>»«follow,,Q%-z;-z:,

is an expansion of this clause, a more accurate description of the 'favouring decree.' ||J|| — j|Jf^, 'to accord with,' =' to approve.' 6.

lie appeah to the great princes to assist him as their fathers had assisted Wan and Woo, and in accordance with the intention of their appointments.

fit 51 ^ ^-the subject of ^ is Wan and Woo, as founders of the dynasty, Bo that the force of the term merges in that of yjjt and jjjjjij. This is much belter than, with Keang Shing, to suppose the par. to begin at

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distant, let your hearts be in the royal house. Thus enter into my anxieties and act in accordance with them, so that I, the little child, may not be put to shame."

III. All the dukes, having heard this charge, bowed to one another and hastily withdrew. The king put off his cap, and assumed again his mourning dress.

can discharge all loyal service to the royal House, as your predecessors did to mine, then their souls will have repose in heaven.' I was at first inclined to this view, but a closer inspection of the text makes me prefer the former, which is that given by Ts'ae after Gan-kwS.

)fj ^ '|lul M it? may 06 taken as in the translation, after Ts'ae and Gan-kwd.

The 'Daily Explanation' has:—m fit

Or we may translate—' Be thus

reverently anxious to act in accordance with the requirements of your duty,' which is the view taken by Lin Choke.-- g|| ^ ft

'a child,' one who has not yet kit his mother's arms.'

Ch. III. P. 7. The AtDience Closes, And

IRE K.IKG KESl'MES HI8 MOUltSlNG. The Use of

here confirms the interpretation of the phrase which I have adopted in p. 2. The concluding statement, showing that the king and all the officers only assumed their mourning dress at the conclusion of this Announcement, has, since the timeof Soo Shih, given rise toacontroversy, which will probably be among Chinese critics interminable. According to Shih, everything about the publication of the Testamentary Charge and the subsequent proceedings ought to have been transacted in mourning garb; and the neglect of this was a melancholy violation of propriety. If the duke of Chow had been alive, Shih thinks that he would not have allowed it, and he wonders why Confucius selected the documents recording it to form a portion of the Shoo. In point of fact, it cannot be proved positively that any violation of the proprieties established by the duke of Chow was committed, for the ceremonies to be observed on various occasions in the imperial court have not been transmitted. But to a student from the west the controversy appears trivial. We are glad to have the ceremonies actually observed at so distant a date brought before our eyes so graphically as is done in 'The Testamentary Charge,1 and ' The Announcement of king K'ang.'

THE BOOKS OF CHOW.

BOOK XXIV. THE CHARGE TO THE DUKE OF PEIH.

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I. In the sixth month of his twelfth )Tear, the day of the new moon's appearance was Kang-woo, and on Jin-shin, the third day after, the king walked in the morning from the honoured city of Chow to Fung, and there, with reference to the multitudes of Chingchow, gave charge to the duke of Peih to protect and regulate the eastern frontier.

Introductory Note. If that reign must have been happy which, extending over a considerable number of years, has yet left few or no memorials in history, that of king Wang may be so characterised. It extended over twentysix years, but no other event of it, after the Announcement of the last Book, is alluded to in the Shoo or by Sze-nia Ts'een, but that appointment of the duke of Peih, to which we have now arrived. Tween, indeed, tells us that' during the time of kings Clung and K'ang, the empire was in a state of profound tranquillity, so that punishments were laid aside, and not used for more than forty years' (Jjfc Jjjjj^

tifs ^\ jrf J. HaPPy China!

The Name Of The Book.—g^, 'The Charge to the duke of Peih.' The territory of

Peih was in the pres. dis. of Ch'ang-ngan

4^), dep. of Se-ngan. It was not a large principality, whose ruler was entitled to be styled duke or Rung. That title is employed here as a denomination of dignity or office, the chief of Peih having succeeded to the duke of Chow as Grand-Tutor;—see on Bk. XXII., p. 3. He was a scion of the House of Chow. This and his being Grand-Tutor may both be inferred from the manner in which king K'ang addresses him as Mr. Ch'in Sze-k'ae says that his

name was Kuou (^fj)- He must have been

well advanced in years, when the 'Charge' recorded here was addressed to him, for, acc. to p. 5, he had played his part in the fortunes of his House from the time of king Wan. The Book was not in the Shoo of Fuh-shang.

Contests. 'King K'ang,' says Ts'ae, 'considering the condition of the multitudes of Ching

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chow, appointed the duke of Peih to protect and regulate that district and its ptople. This Book contains the charge to him as it was recorded on tablets.'

Keun-ch'in, who had succeeded to the duke of Chow in charge of Ching-chow, has followed him to the grave. By the labours of those two great ministers, a considerable change had been effected in the character of the people of Yin who had been transferred to that district. King K'ang appoints the duke of Peih to enter into and complete their work, adopting such measures as the altered character of the people, and altered circumstances of the time, called for. The charge occupies all the Book after an introductory paragraph, and may be divided into three chapters, each introduced by the words—'The king said.'

The first, parr. 2—5, speaks of what had been accomplished in Ching-chow, and the admirable qualities of Kaou which fitted him to accomplish what remained to be done. The second, parr. C—11, speaks of the special measures which were called for by the original character and by the altered character of the people. The third, parr. 12—15, dwells on the importance of the charge, and stimulates the duke, by various motives, to address himself to fulfil it effectually.

Ch. I. P. 1. The Time; Place; And GenEral Nature or The Charge. —J3|-3k ^j—BHJ. seeonBk. XII., p. 2. As it denotes the third day of the moon, we are again enabled to bring the commonly received chronology to the test of calculation. Here I will give the note of Gaubil, as on par. 2 of ' The Testamentary Charge:'—' It is agreed that the day -4p> here is the third day of the sixth moon of the calendar of Chow. Lew Hin and Pan Koo pretend that this was the year corresponding to B.C. 1,067, to which year they refer the twelfth year of king K'ang; and this chronology is followed in the jg| ^tejj jjjjjjj g. In the year B.C. 1,067, the 16th of May was, indeed, the day or the 7th of the cycle, but the 14th of May was not the first day of the moon which did not happen till several days after; and that year therefore was not the 12th of K'ang's reign. Laying down the principle avowed by Pan Koo and Lew Hin about the third day of the moon, the cycle names in the text agree with the year B.C. 1,056. The 16th of May was the day of new moon in China ; the 18th, the third day of the moon, was; and this month was the sixth in the calendar of Chow, since during it the sun entered the sign of the Twins. From " The Announcement of Shaou," "The Announcement about L<">,"and this Book, we see that the Chinese astronomers

of those times counted the day when the sun and moon were veritably in conjunction to be the first day of the moon. The time of a lunation was divided into the time of brightness and the time of obscurity; the passage from the obscure to the bright time was described as " the death of the obscure," and the passage from the bright to the obscure time as "the birth of the obscure ;" —see "The Testamentary Charge." The standard History gives 26 as the years of K'ang's reign; if that be correct, his death took place B.C. 1,042, since we have found that B.C. 1,056 was his 12th year; and B.c. 1,067 was the first year of his reign.

'This year, B.c 1,067, should be marked by the cycle characters the 11th year of

the cycle. Now, the "Bamboo Books " do mark his first year so; but the year which they denote is that B.c. 1,007, differing from the true year, which appears to have been demonstrated, exactly an entire cycle of 60 years'

[As the cycle names of the days here afford ground for such important conclusions, in which Gaubil, I may state, was anticipated by Chang Yih-hing (the Buddhist priest mentioned on page 19), under the T'ang dynasty, it becomes desirable to establish the genuineness of the par., which may be hastily thrown aside with the remark that it only occurs in one of the controverted Books. Now this we are able to do, so far as the year, month, and days are concerned, from

a passage in the ^ fflfc Jj^ —• ~J^, being that referred to by Gaubil, and which is to this effect ..---M E -f- A M

do not know what to make of i^i. ^p|J here; but it is plain that Lew Hin had seen a copy of the 'Charge to Peih,' in this par. substantially the same with what we have in the text before us.]

3: ?J 36T||-$J sce«Bk. in., p. i. ^ i^--sce on Bk- xxi P- i

We are to understand Haou. 'The king went to Fung,' says Ts'ae, 'to give the charge in the temple of king Wan, because the duke of Peih, had been minister to him.' ^jjjjjj ^jjj,—this was what was called ^jfr,1 the lower capital,* See on Bk. XXI., p. I., where also T|f ^JJ, 'the eastern frontier,' is explained. =•

; jfjgjf — The time had come to adopt

a difft. method with the people of Yin from those pursued by their former overseers, the duke of Chow and Keun-ch'in 's-- as is explained below.

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ft & Wl =f m

H 5C ft & * O T»ZE

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M * H

2 H. The king spoke thus:—Oh! Grand-tutor, it was when king Wan and king Woo had diffused their great virtue through the empire that they were able to receive the appointment which Yin

3 had enjoyed. The duke of Chow acted as assistant to my royal predecessors, and tranquillized and established their empire. Cautiously did he deal with the refractory people of Yin, and removed them to the city of M, that they might be quietly near the royal house, and thus be transformed by its lessons. Six and thirty years have elapsed, the generation has been changed, and manners

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Ch. II. Pp. 2—5. First Part Of The Charge. How The Expire Had Been Got By Wan And Woo, Assisted by The Dure Op Cnow; What The Duke Had Done With The People Of Yin. New Measures Were Now Called For ; And The Character Of The Dcke Of Peih, Which Marked Him Out As The Man

FOR THE OCCASION. 2. a j^jjj,—8CC. tO

what was said on ■ '. in par. 6 of

the last Book, we might translate this by' Uncle and Tutor.' Lin Che-kH?, moreover, says that the duke of Perth was 'a son of king Wan, a younger brother of king Woo and the duke of Chow, and an uncle of king Ching (^Jr IjT

but I do not know his authority for such

a statement. Sze-ma Ts'een has given the names of Wiln's ten sons by his queen T'ae-sze, and this duke is not among them. I believe he was a scion of the House of Chow ; but we may

take ^£ here in the same way as in Pt.

IV., Bk. XL, p. 1, as = ^£ a. If he had really been a brother of the duke of Chow, we might have expected some reference to the fact in the course of the Charge. 3.

k }£f ft J,—the critics generally understand by J all K'ang's predecessors, —Wan, Woo, and Ching. Lin, Chc-k'e contends with much force that the phrase should in this place be restricted to king Ching. It is hardly necessary to depart from the more common

view. Ching must certainly be included. Gnuhil gives—'le roi, mon perej' Medhurst erroneously,—' these former kings.' gt ^ = M

[Sj'^,' their (or his) empire.'

fe |/l|.-«*iip. Bk. XIV., pp. 18-21.

M I g.-«>mp. ^ M % BE'Pt-IV-
Bk. V., Pt. i., p. 9. The ^ ^ or 'imperial

city' of Lo was the place where the 'nino
vases' of the empire were deposited, and where
it was intended that the emperor should give
audience to all the princes. The people of Yin
in Ching-chow and thecountry about might very
well be said to be near the 'royal house.' Tho

'Daily Explanation' expands jj|Jj[

m^^^znmm^ mmzrn

'there have elapsed—been gone through—three Ke, or periods of twelve years.' A period of

twelve years was denominated a acc. to Ying-tft, because in that period tho planet Jupiter completed a revolution in his orbit, and the cycle characters of the A, or 'earthly branches,' had also run their round. We do not know exactly from what year we are to reckon these 36 years. If, as is commonly believed, the reign of Ching lasted 37 years, and we add 12 years of K'ang's reign to them, we obtain four duodenary periods, and not three. Even

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