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THE BOOKS OF CHOW.

BOOK. XXIII. THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF KING KANG.

皆二稱右東八太
再臣奉皆方應保
拜衞圭布諸門率
稽敢兼乘侯左西
首執幣,黃入畢
王壤日朱應公

義興一賓門率 侯

王出在應門之内 康王之誥

1 I. The king came forth and stood in the space within the fourth gate of the palace, when the Grand-guardian led in all the princes

of the western regions by the left half of the gate, and the duke of Peih those of the eastern regions by the right half. They then caused their teams of light bay horses, with red manes and tails, to be exhibited; and the princes, raising aloft their secptres and other presents, said, “ We, your servants, defenders of the throne, venture to bring here the productions of our territories and set them forth." With these words, they did obeisance twice, bowing their heads to the earth. The king, righteously continuing the virtue of his predecessors, returned their obeisance.

THE NAME OF THE BOOK--康王之 was an abyss, a fountain, sending forth its 誥,‘The Announcement of king K'ang.' We waters' (淵源流通日康);

have seen, on par. 7 of the last Book, that

Kang was the honorary posthumous title con

ferred on Ch'aou, the successor of Ching, and

; or that (he was gentle and mild, fond of happiness” 0; or that he caus

(温柔好樂日康);

third sovereign of the dynasty of Chow. In ed the people to be tranquil and happy' (

the dict. we find three explanations of the

character, used with such an application. It 民安樂日康)

Immediately on

may denote that the individual so denominated K'ang's accession, he made the Announcement

which is here recorded.

The Book is found in both the texts; but something more must be said on this point.

Ch. I. Pp. 1-3. FIRST AUDIENCE OF THE PRINCES AND MINISTERS HELD BY KING K'ang. 1. 王 THEIR OFFERINGS; AND ADVICE.

出在應門之内 王乃出路 -廟門,立于應門之內,Tho

king went out from the Loo gate, and stood in the space between it and the Ying gate.' The

THE CONNECTION BETWEEN THIS BOOK AND THE LAST. The Book is found in both the texts. In Fuh-shang's Shoo, however, this Book and the last formed only one Book. Yet the 'little preface' shows us that there were in Confucius' Shoo two Books, one called "The Testamentary Charge,' and one, 'The Announcement of king K'ang.' We cannot but believe also that Fuh-shang's one Book contained the whole of them both. The only question is as to where the division of them should take place. Choo He says, 'Take away the pre-held theor audiênce of govt.,' at which fatory notices, and we should not think of making any division. The one part runs naturally, by the connection of the style, into the

other,(除却序文讀著則文 *#*. All the old inter

preters, excepting Gan-kwo,-K'ang-shing, Ma Yung, and Wang Suh, extended the Testamentary Charge to par. 3 of the Announcement, and made the latter very brief indeed. Much more natural is the division as it stands in the textus receptus, and which I here assume was made by Gan-kwo, whether he acted merely on his own sense of fitness, or had special authority for the arrangement in the recovered tablets which were submitted to him. As the Books now stand, the first is complete, and the second. The portion which precedes the Announcement is a proper introduction to it, while it is out of place as an appendix to the Testamentary charge.

Tae Tung-yuen, of the present dynasty, pronounces both divisions wrong, but his own view, if he can be said to have one on the point in hand, is very unsatisfactory. Accepting Fuh-shang's arrangement of the whole in one Book, he would divide it into three parts:-the first, parr. 1—13, relating to the Testamentary Charge; the second, parr. 14-29, describing the accession of king Kang, the year after his father's death; and the third, being all comprehended in the Announcement, relating all that took place at the first public audience or levee by the new monarch, immediately after the

accession. Granting all this, he still divides the

two Books at the same point as Gan-kwŏ.

Of

his view, that from p. 14 of the Charge the things
described all belonged to the year after Ching's
death, I shall speak on par. 1. See
原集卷-

CONTENTS. The action of the Book follows immediately that of the last. A great assembly of princes do homage after their fashion to the new king, and caution and advise him on the discharge of the great duties to which he is

gate, we have seen, was the 4th of the palace gates. It took its name, according to Ch'in Sze-k'ae, from a drum near it which was called the Between it and the 5th gate was

king Kang on this occasion received the homage of all the princes, showing himself to them for the first time, as the son of Heaven.'

[Ts‘ae, by mistake, calls this the. It would not be correct, however, to call it, with Sze-k'ae, the

The

On the Guardian and the duke of Peih's leading the princes of the west and the east respectively, see on the last Bk., p. 3. princes of the west entered by the left or eastern side of the gate, and those of the east by the right or western side, and took their places accordingly. This appears to have been all according to rule. The Le Ke, Bk.

Pt. ii., p. 29, says, 'The host enters on the right
of the gate, and proceeds to the eastern steps;
the guest enters on the left, and proceeds to the
western steps.' From west to east and from
east to west, therefore, was the rule. See Lin

Che-k'e, in loe. 皆布(=陳)乘黃
朱一
;–a team of four horses(馬四匹)
called. Those horses were

was

黃朱: yellow

and red. The former character expresses the general colour of the animals. But yellow' in Chinese is applied to many shades; that intended here being, I apprehend, a 'light bay. *

is understood to denote that their tails and manes were dyed this colour. This is inferred

from a passage in the

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which describes such an operation:-
子地有白馬四公嬖向魋
Ts'ae
取而朱其尾鬣以與之.

mentions that some interpret the

of

"baskets of yellow and red silks,' such as are mentioned in 'The Tribute of Yu;' but such an interpretation is very unlikely in this passage.

賓稱奉圭兼幣=諸侯

called. He responds with the declaration which 乃舉所奉之守圭及幣帛,

has given name to the Book, referring to his
predecessors, and asking the assistance of all
his hearers that his reign might be a not un-
With this the pro-
worthy sequel of theirs.
ceedings terminate, and the king resumes his

"The princes raised aloft the several maces which they kept, and their other presents.'

;-see the Chow Le, Bk. XXXVIII.,

mourning dress which he had put off for the p.1-ƒƒ^ƒZ p.1,-大行人掌大賓之禮, where

occasion. It will be seen that I have arranged the paragraphs in three chapters.

by

is meant all the princes from the

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武命大子敢拜相芮 ○

誕惟邦皇敬稽揖伯太 周殷天告首皆成保

美文之天日再進暨拜。

2 The Grand-guardian and the chief of Juy, with all the rest, then advanced and bowed to each other, after which they did obeisance twice, bowing their heads to the ground, and said, 'O Son of Heaven, we venture respectfully to declare our sentiments. Great Heaven altered its decree in favour of the great empire of Yin, and Wăn and Woo of our Chow greatly received the same, and carried it out, Yaou domain inwards. 奉圭,−these these are the | 王常要未嗣位特以繼先

maces or gem-tokens conferred on them by the

they appeared at court. Ying-ta thought that by|以諸侯之朝故答拜此之 emp, and which they brought with them when 王之體誼當嗣先王之德 嫩 we were to understand the horses already 謂禮以誼起 If this criticism of Ts'ae exhibited—or a_portion of them at least-in the &c. be correct, as I believe it is, it disposes courtyard; but I cannot believe so. A passage in of the view of Tae Tung-yuen, that all the

the Book of the Chow Le just quoted, on the

ceremonies from par. 14 of the last Book took

duties of the 小行人, beginning 合六 place in the year after Ching's death. There 格, may be consulted. Other offerings, referred

to in the address below, are no doubt intended. The princes, indeed, could not be raising them aloft themselves; but they had attendants with

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remains, indeed, the difficulty on which he insists. How was it that the princes of the various domains happened to be at court with their offerings, &c., as if in readiness for the old king's death, and the accession of the new? The difficulty must be acknowledged; but perhaps it would disappear if we had fuller informa

or two ministers. Comp. the use of == in tion about the time. To my mind it is not so

the Ana., III., xxiv., et al. 執壤奠= 執壤地所出之勢奠之 we

We are to suppose that one of the princes spoke in

the name of all the others. 王義嗣 德答拜-the words 義嗣德

seem

introduced by the recorder of the Book to explain how it was that the young king returned the obeisance of the princes. Lin Che-k'e observes that, as a rule, the sovereign does not return the of his ministers, yet K'ang was on this occasion the host and the princes all were his quests, and such an interchange of courtesies was according to etiquette. Ts'ae, Woo Ch'ing, and Keang Shing, all find a deeper meaning in the language. Kang, they say, was now the declared successor to the throne, but until the year of his father's death was elapsed, his reign could not chronologically commence. His returning the obeisance, therefore, was a recognition by himself and all the princes that he and no other was to be their sovereign;-it was done in righteousness,' though not perhaps in rule. Ts'ae says:

6

爲後且知其以喪見 Shing's comment is:一誼 (so he reads) 德者明

great as that of supposing that the action is sud

denly carried over many months, between parr.13 and 14 of the last Book, without the alightest

note of time in the text:-to say nothing of the conclusion of Ts'ae and others from these words

-王義嗣德

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高師哉今遺厥賞陟土若 祖無張王功罰王克 寡壊皇敬人用戡畢惟恤 命。我天之休敷定協新西

3 manifesting their kindly government in the western regions. His recently ascended Majesty, rewarding and punishing exactly in accordance with what was right, fully established their achievements, and transmitted this happy state to his successors. Do you, O king, now be reverent in your position. Maintain your armies in great order, and do not allow the rarely equalled appointment of our high ancestors to come to harm."

ing to them with their arms to take their proper

places, to which motion the princes responded.' Woo Ch'ing has still a difft. view, taking

as

相檳相之人; but this only complicates and the suppression of rebellions, with the

the construction.

-the Guardian was no doubt spokesman for all the others.

punishments,' which king Ching is said to have
'finished harmonizing,' i.e., administering ac-
cording to what was right, we are to under-
stand probably the investitures of many princes,
punishment of the rebels, in which the duke of
Chow played so conspicuous a part. These are
all, allowably, attributed to the king himself;
and by these he completed the work begun by
Wan and Woo, and the dynasty might be
considered established in the possession of the

周至美若-the difficulty here is with
美若, which Teae acknowledges that he does | empire. 戡=克 (he succeeded in.)

not understand. He mentions the view of Soo

Shih, that somehow there is an alfusion to the

confinement of king Wăn by the tyrant Show

in 美里; but I do not see how this is to be

brought out of the text. He mentions also the

conjecture of some that 美若 is the same as
厥若 in p. 6, 美 being an error of the text
for 厥. Gan-kwǔ took 美 as meaning 道
as meaning 道
Observes that 美 and 猷
猷 are allied in sound,

Ma Yung and Wang Suh did the same. Ying-tă

.

may be considered 敷後人休休 as in the objective gov.by 遺:後人 is under

the govt. of the preposition understood.
Woo Ch'ing gives the meaning of the whole

very clearly:-賞當功罰當罪,
合其宜克勝其任安定文
武之功用能延及于今後
人有此休美張皇六師

' Keep your six armies like a bent bow, and
The duke of Shaou would

and that therefore we may explain by 道. magnify them.

I have translated accordingly (文武大 受天道而順之), though I rather

seem to have in mind the counsel given to himself by the duke of Chow, Bk. XVI., p. 21, and also what was said by that duke to king

suspect that the text is corrupted. Këang Shing Ching, Bk. XIX., p. 22. 無(一毋)

makes 美=准, and says:一天改殷之

-天殷之 壞我高祖寡命-寡命 is de

命惟文武大受而進順之.ined by Tsae 艱難寡得之基

There is no authority for such an interpretation

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of the char. 克恤西土,一the patrimony such as is seldom to be got.’

'the appointment difficult to be got, and Keang Shing

of the chiefs of Chow was in the west. It was

in that part of the empire that their virtue was

first recognized, and the foundations of their

influence laid. 惟新陟王‘th

e

newly ascended king.' Ching was not yet

buried, and had not received his honorary

title. He could only be thus spoken of.

gives Wang Suh's account of 寡:-美文 王少有及之故日寡命

The speaker, in 我高祖, our high ancestor

(or ancestors),' identifies himself with the im

perial House. This gives some support to what

is said, on p. 420, of the duke of Shaou's having

畢協至人休−by the ‘rewards and | been the son of lking Wan by a concubine.

不有于齊不文報惟邦

熊天信務武誥予侯 心熊下用答丕O 甸若 則昭底平 人男白

臣士亦明至富君釗衞庶

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4 II. The king spoke thus:——“Ye princes of the various States, chiefs of the How, Teen, Nan, and Wei domains, I, Ch'aou, the one 5 man, make an announcement in return for your advice. The former sovereigns, Wăn and Woo, were greatly just, and enriched the people. They did not occupy themselves with people's crimes. Pushing to the utmost and maintaining an entire impartiality and sincerity, they became gloriously illustrious throughout the empire. Then they had officers brave as bears and grisly bears, and ministers of no

THE PRECEDING ADDRESS; CALLED HIS AN

NOUNCEMENT. 4. The princes do not appear

Ch. II. Pp. 4-6. REPLY OF THE KING TO |餘以豐民之則. Wang Suh's comment is brief and satisfactory:一文武道 大天下以平萬民以富是 也不答‘they did not bend their

as parties in the preceding address, nor are the ministers (羣臣) mentioned here. But we

must suppose that the address emanated from the princes as well as the ministers, and that the reply was made to them equally. No mention is made of the domain which was between the Nan and the Wei; no doubt the chiefs from it

were present, and they may have been present

also from beyond the Wei, though the text says

nothing about them. 予一人釗

the emperor called himself-I, the one man,

and did not add his name. It was the rule,

minds on-address their efforts to-the faults

of the people.' The meaning seems to be that they

were not on the watch to find out crime and punish it. To quote again from the Daily Ex

planation:一人或有罪不得已

而用形則輕省而不務深 刻謹慎而不致錯誤寕失

however, for the successor to the throne to出毋失入,不專意求人

do so, while the period of mourning for the 罪惡而務置之于法. Ican by

deceased sovereign lasted.-See the case of the

no means accept Këang Shing's definitions of

young emperor 猛 mentioned in the 左傳務 一趣 and 咎=災. He says:一文 昭二十二年報誥-Lim Che務=趣

k'e expands this:-諸侯戒我故我 諸侯戒我故我 武大平富天下之民使

以誥報之

5. The merits of Wăn

趣于災言為民除害

and Woo; and how they were supported by their 厎至齊信底至=推行而 ministers and officers. 昔君-as in the 厎其至‘they pushed the practice and carlast Bk, p. 5. 丕平富‘were greatly ried ittotheutmost.' The question arises of what

just and rich.' The critics are probably correct in interpreting the language of the govt. of

Wăn and Woo,–that it was just, carefully

guarding the rights of the people, and that it was liberal, making taxation light, so that the people had plenty for all their wants. The paraphrase of the Daily Explanation? is:

it was that they carried to the utmost? Was it the virtues indicated in the two previous parr.,

so that 齊 and 信 are merely adjectives? or

are we to take those two characters as nouns, denoting other virtues, having a substantial | meaning of their own ? Lin Che-k'e, Ts'ae, and the Sung critics generally take the former view.

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文武之為君也有溥博均平 Ts'ae says: 齊信者兼盡

德輕徭役薄賦斂使天 其誠也,文武德不務 下家给人足莫不富厚有 之心推行而底其至兼盡

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