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tions, you will punish, remembering that the end of punishment

10 is to make an end of punishing. Those who are inured to villainy and treachery, those who violate the constant, duties of society, and those who introduce disorder into the public manners:—those three classes you will not spare, though their particular offences be but small.

11 "Be not passionate with the obstinate, and dislike them. Seek

12 not every quality in one individual. You must have patience

13 and you will be successful; have forbearance and your virtue will be great. Mark those who manage their affairs well, and also

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This regards the people of Yin, who might be prepared to submit cordially, and who would give occasion for a 'generous forbearance.'

appears in the ^ as from the Shoo, but

slightly varied,-^ ^ It

"tfc' ^omp. Ana-> XV-' xxxvi

'W fSaj 7*1 ^C'<nave forbearance, and the virtue is great.'—Ts'aesays:—'Patience is associated with the issues of business; forbearance, with virtue. The king's discourse distinguishes these two things, as the one is more deep, and the other more shallow.' Forbearance then is superior to patience. Kang-yay condemns this reading of the text; but something of the

sort seems to be implied. 13. —'to

select;' meaning here 'to mark,' 'to take distinguishing notice of,' whether in the way of

approval or the contrary. On let j^s Jf\ <jjp: the 'Daily Explanation' gives—


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mark those who do not do so. Advance the good to induce those who may not be so to follow their example.

"The people are born good, and are changed by external things, so that they resist what their superiors command, and follow what they themselves love. Do you but reverently observe all the statutes, and they will become virtuous; they will thus all be changed, and truly advance to a great degree of excellence. Then shall I, the one man, enjoy much happiness, and your excellent services will be famous through long ages!"

Ts'ae makes this =' If you can reverently observe all the duties of society, and that with a real virtue,' influenced no doubt by his view of

plan is to take JttL accord, to its use in the 'Ann. to the prince of K'an,' where it twice occurs"s-"- in parr. 19 and 24. will then

be descriptive of the conduct of the people thus ruled over. So, Lin Che-k'e:— j|| ffe J&L

J||J ifffi ^EJ Ti 'If you can reverence

the constant statutes, and so lead them on, what they do will be in the way of virtue, and be all will be changed.' ft "3P W^°"

"2J" tni» belongs to Keun-ch'in.

Ts'ae is wrong in making ^ jtf^, belong both to Uiui and the king.

P. 14. The radical goodness of human nature always makes it capable of being reformed. What happy effects would follow from Keun-ch'in's conducting his govt, to this issue. R /j^ Pf <—compare Ana., VI., xvii., 2: jt^p Q, y^. Ts'ae considers that ^ _[l M Jr, jjjfc M ^mean—'They resist what their rulers only command, not exemplifying the same themselves, and follow what they love:' according to the teaching in the 'Great Learning,' Comm., ix. 4. On this view the statement is that of another fact in the ways of men additional to what is said in the two previous clauses; and may be considered as the foundation of the a a in the admonition to Keunch'in which follows. Another view, which I have followed, is ingeniously suggested by Wang Kfing-yay. Acc. to it *§| Jiff M (e== j£) JjJ^ J)^ is merely an expansion or illustration of £Rj tfy] It SB. The whole of Kttng-yay's annotation on the passage is with



I. In the fourth month, when the moon began to wane, the kingy was indisposed. On the day Kea-tsze, he washed his hands and face, his attendants put on him his cap and robes, and he sat up, lean

Introductory Note. Th is Book brings us to the closing act of the reign and life of king Clung. His reign, according to the current chronology, lasted 37 years, ending B.C. 1,079. The thing, however, is by no means certain. Nothing can be gathered on the point from the Shoo or from Sigma Ts'een. Between the appointment of Keun-ch'in, moreover, as related in the last Book, and Ching's death, the history is almost a blank. The only events chronicled, and which have the authority of Ts'een, are a coinage of round money, with a square hole in the centre, —the prototypes of the modern cash; and an enactment that the manufacture of cloth and silk should be two cubits two inches wide, in pieces of forty-four cubits long.

The Name Of the Book.—^ (rt, 'The Testamentary Charge.' Dr. Medhurst has most unfortunately rendered these characters by 'Retrospective Decree.' <§j!| = i§| J|$j^> <t0 turn round and look;' and -jjiy is 'The charge given, when turning round and looking.' K'ang-shing say8!-[ej ^ Q gg, Sra M

(El tfcii ifff $t tjtf- 'To turn round the head is called The king, when about to

die, turned round and looked at his ministers, Rnd so issued his charge.' The phrase is now generally employed for a ' testament,' or 'dying charge,' such application being derived from its

use here in the Shoe, The Book is found in both the texts.

Contents. King Ching, feeling that his end is near, calls his six principal ministers and other officers around his couch, and commits his son Ch'aou to their care and guidance. The record of all the circumstances and the dying charge form a chapter ending at par. 10 with the announcement of the king's death. The rest of the Book is occupied with a detailed account of the ceremonies connected with the publication of the charge, and the accession of Ch'aou to the throne. It is an interesting monument of the ways of that distant time on such occasions. M. De Guignes tells us that Father Gaubil said that if all the other Books of the Shoo had been filled with the names of instruments, dresses, arms, &c, like this, he would not have undertaken to translate the Work. The difficulties which it presents of this nature, however, are not greater than we had to encounter in translating 'The Establishment of Government.'

Ch. I. Pp. 1—10. The Sickness; TestaMentary CHARGE; AND DEATH OF KING CHING.

1. Jt^Z —' at the beginning of

the growth of darkness,' = when the moon began to wane, the 16th day of the month. See on the 'Completion of the War,' pp. 1, 2, and 4. yj> —' was not pleased.' The phrase

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ing on the gem-adorned bench. He then called for the Grandprotector Shih, the baron of Juy, the baron of T'ung, the duke of reach, the prince of Wei, the duke of Maou, Sze, the master of the warders, the master of the guards, the Heads of the officers,—all the superintendents of affairs.

of saying directly that the emperor was unwell. Woo Giving observes that ' the emperor's being

ill is expressed by and Jr; and

his decease by I ^ and lit because his ministers could not bear to name such things directly.' 2. m 'on the day Kira-

tsze.' But what day of the month this was cannot be determined. Hiia Seen observes that 'the historians of Han conclude that it was the same day intended by in the 1st

par., but it is to be presumed they are wrong. In the "Completion of the War," p. 1, we read—

0 EL' wuere tne day intended by j^S is determined °y 'ts calendaric name preceding. In the text here there is no such name given, and we cannot say what day

-jr was.' See the On the con

clusion of the historians of Han, and the year of king Ching's death, Gaubil says:—1 Lew Hin, who lived some years B.C., and Pan Koo (J^ff

IE), the historian, who flourished 70 or 80

years after Christ, place the year of the death of king Cliing in 1,079, B.C., and make him to have reigned 87 years; and they are followed in

these points by the standard History (jj^

^ |=|). They add that, on this year of

Ching's death, the day the 47th of the

cycle, was new moon of the 4th month of the calendar of Chow, and that m -J- was the day of full moon;—citing the text of this par. On the year B.C., 1,079, the day was the 28th February of the Julian year, but new moon was several days after; the day was the 14th of March, and the full moon was not till several days after. Those two authors therefore make a false calculation, founded on their false principles of the motion of the sun and moon, and of the return of the period of seventysix years. The year 1,068 (or 1,009) B.C. was the year of the death of king Clung; the 16th

of March was the day T and also the day

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of full moon in the morning for China. The place of the sun shows that it was the 4th month of the calendar of Chow, because the equinox happened in the course of it.' The argument of Gaubil here agrees with that which I have presented on Bk. XII., p. 1 ; but the data are

less sure, as we cannot be certain that fJJ -jp* in the text should be connected with the date in the 1st par., as the reasoning supposes. I receive the impression that it should not be so connect

idt^-^fcSl- The meaning of M ( = M), 'to wash the face,' is sufficiently established; and hence Ting-til says it remains that j^JjC be taken for 'to wash the hands.' Ma Yung

made it =' to wash the hair.1

worth while to try and settle the question of what particular cap or crown and robes, the king wore on this occasion. His a or crowns were six, and for each there was the appropriate occasion. See on the duties of the |j] M in the

Chow Le, Bk. XXI. The present was an extraordinary occasion, and no doubt his attendants settled on their principle of court etiquette the proper habit in which he should receive his ministers. The text determining nothing, however, on the point, critics are left to decide the questions which they raise, according to their several views. See Lin Che-k'e and Kcang Shing, in foe. We must leave in the same way the question undetermined of who

the was or were. The and

officers of his dept. are probably intended. See

the Chow Le, Bk. XXXI., in -St Ts'ae

would take the term more generally as =■

"fc^C (ff ''tn0 suPP°rter8 and assistants."

x^f-) Ji}'. Lin Che-k'e ingeniously refers

to the practice of Confucius, Ana. X., xiii. 3,— 'When he was sick, and the prince came to visit him, he had his head placed to the east, made his court robes be placed over him, and drew his girdle across them.' The sage would

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The king said, "Oh ! my illness has greatly increased, and it will soon be over with me. The malady comes on daily with more violence and without interruption. I am afraid I may not find another opportunity to declare my wishes about my successor, and therefore I now lay my charge on you with special instructions.

not receive a visit from his prince in his undress, even though he was sick ; and in the same spirit king Cliing would be properly arrayed on the

occasion in the text. -fc —we are to

conceive of the king seated on a mat, and leaning forward in his weakness on the bench or stool before him. The benches used at various imperial ceremonies were of five kinds, of which the 'gem-adorned' was the most honourable. See the Chow Le, Bk. XX., on the duties of

the "pj fl, Difft. accounts are given

of their size. They were all, acc. to Ma Yung,

3 feet long. Yuen Ch'in ([Jjrj says they

were '5 feet long, and 2 feet high.' 8. The duke of Shaou, and the other five ministers mentioned, were no doubt the six K'iny of Bk. XX. On the death of the duke of Chow, the

duke of Shaou had succeeded him as 5j2, or prime minister, retaining also his dignity of' Grand-Guardian.'

A baron of Juy is mentioned in the prefatory notice to one of the lost Books, as having made the Ch'aou Ming (J^. -jjjj), by order of king Woo. The one in the text may be the same, or a son of his. Juy is referred to the pres. dis. of Chaou-yih (ijlJJ dep. of Se-ngan,

Shen-se. The baron of J uy was minister of Instruction. The baron of T'ung was probably the minister of Religion. His principality of

T'ung was in the sub. dep. of Hwa (2£k ), dep. of T'ung-chow. 'The duke of Peih,'—see Bk. XXIV. Ch'in Sze-k'ae says that he succeeded to the duke of Chow as chief of all the princes of the east, and in the office of GrandTutor. He was minister of War. 'The prince of Wei,'—see on the name of Bk. IX. He or his son was now the minister of Crime. 'The duke of Maou must have been the minister of Works. He is supposed to be called Kung or 'duke' here from having been appointed Grand-Assistant. Where Maou was is not certainly known.

BIS ^.~8«e °n Bk- u> P- 2- Bv J$L

IE we are to understand the Loft of Bk. XIX., p. 1,—the J=| ^ of the Chow Le, Bk.XXXI. ^p-~-gtZ&

'the heads or chiefs of the various departments of officers;'—as frequently.

We may take ^] Ipf, with Woo Ching, as

a general designation of all the ministers and officers mentioned. It is said that the king sent 'a common summons' for them all to come to

his presence ([jjjj as. On common occasions

the order to repair to the imperial presence was given to the 'six K'ing,' who would 'lead on the officers belonging to their several departments' (see Bk. XX, p. 13); but on the present extraordinary occasion the order was sent directly to all, of whatever rank. Such at

least is the explanation given of the phrase p3

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