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interpreters speaking nine different languages, which presented a white pheasant to the duke of Chow. The interpreters were necessary, because the distance was very great, with dark and deep mountains and rivers, so that the ambassadors might not be understood. The duke of Chow asked to what they were indebted for the offerings, when the interpreters said, "We received tliecommand from the grey-haired men of our kingdom, who said, 'For long, even for three years, we have had neither violent winds nor disastrous rains, nor storms on the sea. We may believe that there is a sage in the middle kingdom;—why not go and present yourselves at his court?' This is the reason we are come."'
I do not find this account in the Introduction of Han Ying, as it is now generally edited; but it is quoted continually in illustration of the embassy from Yue-chang;—see the |7lJ
^ A ^ ^j", on the 'Life of the duke of Chow.' There seems to be no reason to doubt its having come from Han Ying; but it will be seen that neither does he make any mention of the 'south-pointing chariots
The earliest authority that I have found for connecting the duke of Chow and the embassy from Cochin-china with these chariots is the
tft 3?j| ■jjj' a Work of the Tsin
dynasty, the writer of which, after giving his opinion that the invention was due to Hwangte, about 1,500 years anterior to the Chow dynasty ! adds that Hang Keen of the 'After Han,' attributed it to the duke of Chow. We read:—'The duke having produced by his govt, a state of great tranquillity, the people of Yuechang came with interpreters speaking different languages, and presented one white pheasant, two black pheasants, and the tusk of an elephant. The ambassadors being astray as to their road back, the duke gave them two pieces of ornamented and embroidered silk, and five light carriages, all made on the pattern of pointing to the south. The ambassadors were conveyed in these to the south, as far as the city Lin [probably the pres. Kwei-liu, metrop. of Kwangse] of loo-nan near the sea, so that in a year
they reached their own country, &C.' j^s
My readers will probably be disposed with me to set down the embassy from Yue-chang as a mere legend, and the claim of the duke of Chow to be the inventor of the 'south pointing chariot' as nothing better.
It is attributed to him under different circumstances in a fragment of the Works of
-jp,'The hero of Demon valley,' a Taouist charlatan, somewhat later than Mencius, towards the end of the Chow dynasty. What he says, is that' the prince of Suh-shin presented a white pheasant to king Wan. There being a fear lest he should lose his way on his return home, the duke of Chow made the south-pointing chariot
to conduct him safely' (|g jt ^ ^ Q
«fe ** £ I. £ » £ J8 &
J]_s ar'* Now, the Book of the Shoo which immediately followed the 'Officers of Chow' was about the chief of Suh-shin; but the presumption from the prefatory notice is that it did not contain anything about the duke of Chow. It related, moreover, to a visit from that chief to king Clung, and not to king Wan.
Allusion has been made to the account which carries back the making of the southpointing chariot to Hwang-te, more than 2,600 years before Christ. This is given by See-ma Ts'een.—Hwang-te was operating to put down a rebellious chief, called Ch*e-yew, who.frustrated his measures for a time by enveloping the armies in clouds of mist, so that the emperor's men could not tell their position. Against this magical contrivance, H wang-te made the chariots in question, and succeeded in taking the rebel alive. Later narrators ascribe the chariots to Hwang-tc's empress; and there have been those who, forgetting the claims both of Hwang-te and the duke of Chow, have ascribed them to. Kwan Chung, the chief counsellor of the duke Hwan of Ts'e, in the 7th cent. B.c. ;—see the
The general opinion among the Chinese, therefore, that the duke of Chow made the 'southpointing chariot,' cannot be received as resting on a historical foundation. The 'south-pointing chariot' altogether may be called in question. The accounts of its construction as being drawn by four horses, with the wooden figure of
a genius -f^ ^) on the roof, are all
fabulous,-- see the -fc ^ HJ, L c It would be hard to say that the mariner's compass was the child of this chariot. The truth, I imagine, is this, that the Chinese got some knowledge of the compass—found it out themselves, or learned it from India—not long before the Christian era, and that then the fables about the making of south-pointing chariot, in more ancient times were invented.
The Name Of The Book.—|Jj|f, 'Keun
ch'in.' Ts'ae says that this was the name of the minister; and as the Book contains the charge given to him, it is called after him. Others would translate the characters—'Prince Ch'in,' as we translate the title of Bk. XVI., by 'Prince Shih.' Tims Ilea Seen says:—' He must have been invested with some principality as its
ruler, on which account he is called ,
II. "Formerly, the duke of Chow acted as teacher and guardian of the myriads of the people, who cherish the remembrance of his virtue. Go you, and with sedulous care undertake his charge; act in accordance with his regular ways, and exert yourself to illus
Prince' # g j§
But as we know nothing of any principality with which this Keun-ch'in had anything to do, it is better to abide by the view of Ts'ae, in which he followed Gan-kw6.
K'ang-shing supposed that Keun-ch'in was a sou of the duke of Chow, a younger brother of Pih-k'in, but the evidence seems conclusive that this was not the case. The charge could hardly have been delivered without containing some reference to such a relation between Keun-ch'in and his predecessor. See in Lin Che-k'e, on the point. The Book is found only in the text of Gan-kwo.
Contents. I take the summary of these which is given in the 'Complete Digest of Commentaries on the Shoo.'—' The whole Book may be divided into three parts. The first, which is also the first par., contains the words of Kcunch'in's appointment to the charge of the eastern capital. The concluding words,—" Be reverent," are specially emphatic, and give the key-note to all that follows. The second part contains parr. 2—6, and enjoins on Keun-ch'in to exert himself to illustrate the lessons of the duke of Chow, and thereby transform the people of Yin. The third part, parr. 7—14, further enjoins on him to give full development to those lessons, and adduces various particulars in which his doing so would appear,—all illustrative of the command at the commencement, that he should be reverent.'
Ch. I. P. 1. The Charge To Keun-ch'in;
AND THE GROUND OF IT IN HI8 PERSONAL EXCELLENCE, 'jf ^ ilk —the
'filial piety and respectfulness' arp the attributes which compose the 'excellent virtue' attributed to Keun-ch'in. Gan-kwo
interprets wrongly of 'self-respect' (/fj p, J^|[ J^jjp. It is expanded, however, in the next clause into R, m, and is
thus made to embrace both the respectfulness of the younger brother and the kindness of the
elder. ^pj —' can be displayed
in the possession (or by the possessor) of govt.' This sequel does not commend itself so readily to a foreigner as it does to the Chinese. A man, it seems to us, may be a good son and a good brother, and yet be but poorly fitted for the
duties of an administrator, while it is true that a bad son and a bad brother cannot be trusted to discharge the duties of any other relation. The doctrine of king Ching, however, is that of all Chinese authorities, ancient and modern;— compare 'The Great Learning,' Comm., ch. ix.
[This portion of the Keun-ch'in is quoted by Confucius, Ana. II., xxi.; but not to the letter. It would be absurd, however, to conclude from that that the text here is not genuine.)
By the 'eastern border or frontier,'
we are evidently to understand Ching-chow, 'the lower capital,' to which the people of Yin had been removed. Gaubil is quite wrong, when he would understand by here the sacrifice offered to Heaven, or the place of it. Ch'in Sze-k'ae gives the following statements: —' The imperial city formed a square of nine le. Outside the city was called the ^JJ. Fifty le
off was called the "near ^JJ, or frontier," and a hundred le off was called the "remote frontier." Ching-chow would be in the "near frontier."'
Ch. II. Pp. 2—6. Keun-ch'in Must Follow
THE EXAMPLE AND LESSONS OF THE DUKE OF CROW; MUST FEEL THE DIFFICULTY OF HIS DUTIES ; SEEK THE COUNSEL OF OTHERS, BUT USE HIS OWN JUDGMENT; EVER ASCRIBING HIS MERIT AND SUCCESS TO THE EMPEROR. 2. a
fjj^ ^ B^'—' tutorcd ano' preserved the myriads of the people.' The myriads of the people were those of Yin who had been removed to LS. —This is a very clear instance of the way in which such high-sounding phrases as ^ Jjl
are employed. 'j^. ~J*j ti) ,—from the
J^jj which follows, we must interpret ~J*J
o] of the duke of Chow,= j=t fijf tJJ 2:
Jjljjj^, 'that which he was charged with.' Med
hurst takes ~pj as = ^", 'you,' which it often is; but its usage in the Shoo permits us also to take the ~J*j 'rt) as I propose. Ts'ae also
takes it thus. f£ ^ % - fl|J J£
3 trate his lessons:—so shall the people be regulated. I have heard that he said, 'Perfect government is like piercing fragrance, and influences the spiritual Intelligences. It is not the millet which has the piercing fragrance; it is bright virtue.' Do you make this lesson of the duke of Chow your motto, being diligent from day to day, and not presuming to indulge in luxurious ease.
4 Ordinary men, while they have not seen a sage, are full of desire, as if they could not get a sight of him; but after they have seen him, they are still unable to follow him. Be cautioned by this. You are the wind; the inferior people are the grass.
Jj^j:,—that the king is here quoting words which he had heard, directly or indirectly, from the duke of Chow, appears clear from the Q^f
ffl Z MR Wi' Gan"kw0 only heard in
them the voice of some ancient worthy. "E^jz "='i§* ill a 'fraBrance smelt at a distance' •Sjt ij^,—these two kinds of millet, used in sacrifice, represent all the articles of sacrifice, —grain, flesh, fruits, spirits, &c. The clauses
# M ft 8- fi if S>are found
quoted from the Books of Chow, in the
•^jt. ^sL at 4j5. The general sentiment is the same as that which we find so often in the prophets of Holy Scripture,—the worthlessncss of sacrifice without an earnest moral purpose
in the offerer. |g f&J ^ ( - Q$
ffjj jj^j- So says the 'Daily Explana-
5 "In revolving the plans of your government, never hesitate to acknowledge the difficulty of the subject. Some things have to be abolished, and some to be adopted:—going out and coming in, seek the judgment of your people about them; and when there is a general agreement, exert your own powers of reflection.
6 When you have any good plans or counsels, enter and lay them before your sovereign in his palace. Thereafter, when you are acting abroad in accordance with them, say, 1 This plan or this view is all due to our sovereign.' Oh! if all ministers were to act thus, how excellent would they be, and how distinguished!"
—'planning your govt,' The gt, lower down,
show* that we are to take in the second person. Compare the same expression in Bk. XVIII., pp. 15, 16. H j£ % J$ may be taken imperatively, as in the translation, or indicatively,—'there will perhaps always be
difficulties.' yj A i m fib
the Jjj seem to trouble the critics considerably. YingTung(||||jj|) says on them:—
Z W' J# ill Z _b ,giving out the
views of the sovereign to make them known to the people; bringing in the words of the people to make them known to the sovereign;' com p. on the 'Can. of Shun,' p. 25. Ch'in Ta-yew
III. The king said, "Keun-ch'in, do you give their full development to the great lessons of the duke of Chow. Do not rely on your power to exercise oppression; do not rely on the laws to practise extortion. Be gentle, but with strictness of rule. Promote harmony by the display of an easy forbearance.
"When any of the people of Yin are amenable to the laws, if I say 'Punish,' do not you therefore punish; and if I say 'Spare,' do not you therefore spare. Seek the due course. Those who are disobedient to your government, and uninfluenced by your instruc
his measures. Ts'ae explains the clause—^fil
Z rft # Pt J# 5fo m ty,
Kang-yay gays he docs not understand. Ts'ao has a trick of poising his sentences, with more reference to their sound than their sense.
Pp. 8—10. These parr, regard how Keunch'in should deal with the people who were transgressors of the laws. he should have respect to the decisions of the law, and to the end of all law; and to nothing else. 8.
ffi- 'B^'-J^ = ^' 'the lawsi' meaning the punishments assigned by them. The 'Daily Explanation,' for Jj*^ eiye»—)\l
& IF ^ m S Z 'y°u ou«ht
make it out that the king is only laying down what ministers should do. with a lofty superiority to the imputation of vanity to which it might subject himself! The truth is, king Ching was but a very ordinary man.
[The whole of this par. is found, quoted from 'The Keun-ch'in,' in the Le Ke, Bk. j^j =j*, p. 15.]
Ch. III. Pp. 7—14. TnxT Keun-ch'in's
GRAND OBJECT SHOULD BE TO CARRY OUT THE
7. It is observed by Ilea Seen that this paragraph describes the way in which Keunch'in should carry out the plans of his predecessor among the people of Yin who did not violate the laws. There must be an absence of all oppression, but generosity must at the same time be accompanied with firmness.
'to pare.' Its application here is to the practice of extortion. Keun-ch'in it is observed by Lin Che-k'e, was not likely to do either of the things against which he is here warned, but it was right for the king to speak to him as he does, as it was right for Shun's counsellors to warn him against vices from which as a sage he was
far removed. Ifik Jgjt yd —' be easy and tolerating to harmonize.' The meaning seems to be that Keun-ch'in should carry himself easily and forbearingly, and so effect a harmony between the people and himself uud
simply to judge according to the due medium of lightness and severity.' The case which the emperor puts here is a very remarkable one,— that of himself seeking to interfere with the operation of the laws, and yet telling Keunch'in not to pay regard to him. There are both weakness and goodness in what he says. 9.
this would seem to say that even in such cases, where punishment was inevitable, it should be modified by a consideration of the end of all punishment. But the idea of a modijiciiiion of the punishment is out of place; and therefore Gaubil has probably given the real meaning of the passage by translating—' vous devez lei