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24 VI. The duke of Chow spake to the following effect, "0 grand historiographer, the minister of Crime, the duke of Soo, dealt reverently with all the criminal matters which came before him, thereby to perpetuate the fortunes of our empire. Here was an example of careful anxiety for other ministers, to rank with him in the ordering of the appropriate punishments."
= 'reverently' J^"73 m ; different from A below, which = j£. Ei?^=#f|jr Z, 'tne c"11"11*! causes which he decided,'—which 'passed through' his hands. ^£ A, -JT ~Z~£i—tne 'Daily Explanation ' gives
*» tw -m H n Tt£ T Jjrb M
2^. This seems to give the meaning, but I prefer to take as referring to the duke of Soo, and =' to rank with him.'
Ch. W. P. 24. I cannot see that this par. has any connection with the rest of the Book. It appears indeed to be more out of place, if possible, than par. 22. It is evidently a fragment of some of the lost Books which has got tacked
on here. til j|S —' the minister of Crime, the duke of See.' From a passage in
the ^ -j-' we learn that
the duke of Soo (where Soo was I have not ascertained) was called jt^Z, and was minister
of Crime to king Woo. 3^ ^ ^
Gan-kwO gives for this—
tfk ik M Jf Z iR> 'could use the laws
so as to reverence the criminal cases which you use.' But what meaning can a reader get from this? Hang Shing endeavours in vain to
explain it. I take £|£pf| together as an adverb,
I. The king of Chow brought the myriad regions of the empire to tranquillity; he made a tour of inspection through the How and Teen tenures; he punished on all sides the chiefs who had refused to appear at court; thus securing the repose of the millions of the people, and all the princes of the six tenures acknowledging his virtue. He then returned to the honoured capital of Chow, and strictly regulated the officers of the administration.
The Name Op Tint Book.—^ 'The
Officers of Chow.' The Book contains a general outline of the official system of the Chow dynasty. It details the names and functions of the principal ministers about the court, to whom various counsels moreover are addressed by king Ching. 'The Officers of Chow' is not an inappropriate name for it. It is found only in the old or Gan-kwti's text. Ts'ae assigns it to the class of the Books of the Shoo called
Date ; And Question Of Genuineness. The first par. refers the Book to king Ching, without any mention of the duke of Chow. Its date therefore must be in some year after the duke resigned the regency, and the king took the govt, into his own hands. As the next Book but one (now lost) contained an account of the duke's death, in the 11th year of Ching, we may assign the 'officers of Chow' to the 9th or 10th year of that monarch. I introduce the subject of the date here, because of the strangeness of the prefatory note about it, that the Book was made 'when king Ching
had made an end of the House of Yin, and] extinguished the wild tribes of the Hwae' (see page 12). The 'making an end of the House of Yin' carries us back to the death of WookSng in the 2d or 3d year of Ching (see P. N. 41); from which the extinction of the Hwae tribes would bring us down to his 7th or 8th year. The 1st par., which is the proper introduction to the Book, makes no mention of either of those events. I do not think the prefatory notice is entitled to any consideration.
On the question of the Genuineness of the Book, it will be sufficient here to give the remarks of Ts'ae, reserving the fuller discussion of the points he mentions for their proper place in the annotations. He says:—'This Book disagrees with the Chow Be, as we now have it, in various points. For instance, the Chow Le does not contain the ministers called here the " three Kung," and " the three Koo." Some have said that the Kung and Koo were dignities, enjoyed by other ministers, and were not specific offices; but if we refer to parr. 5 and 6, where it is said that "the three Rung discourse of the principles of reason, and adjust the States," and that " the
three Koo assist the Kung to diffuse widely all transforming influences," these are specific duties, belonging to offices to which there can be none superior. Others would identify the
gjjj here with the a ^ of the Chow
Le, and the ^ with the ^ ;but this
cannot be, for the a and are only subordinate officers in the department of the minister of Instruction.
< Again, it is said here, p. 14, that" in six years, the chiefs of the five tenures attend once at court," whereas in the Chow Le, Bk. XXXVIII., the princes of the six tenures appear at court, from such and such a tenure, every year; from another tenure in two years; and so on; —a quite different arrangement. These discrepancies give rise to doubts; but the Chow Le could only have been made by a sage. Or perhaps, the duke of Chow, when he was making all his arrangements for the officers of the government,
had not come to the offices of the a and
What I mean is this, that he was restrained by some consideration of their greatness from speaking of them. Moreover, the book was not completed when the duke died. The laws and regulations in it had not all come into practice; —This may account for the discrepnncies I have pointed out. And still farther: —What must have formed the sixth part of the Chow Le, "The officer of the Winter," is lost. The beginning and end of it are incomplete. It is a work of the duke of Chow, to which, alas ! he did not put the finishing hand. Let the reader of the Shoo, however, compare it carefully with the classic, and he will be able to judge of the governmental arrangements of the duke of Chow.'
Contents. The Book has a beginning, middle, and end, more distinctly marked than we generally find in the Books of the Shoo. The first par. is introductory, and describes the condition of the empire when the arrangements of the official system of Chow were publicly announced ; all the other parr, contain that announcement. The king begins by referring to the arrangements of former dynasties. He then, parr. 5—14, sets forth the principal offices of State, the ministers of which had their residence at court, and goes on to the arrangements for the administration of the provinces. The remaining parr, contain many excellent advices to the ministers and officers, todischarge their duties so that the fortunes of the dynasty might be consolidated, and there be no dissatisfaction among the myriad States. The whole, it will be seen, falls naturally into a division into five Chapters.
Ch. I. The Condition Of The empire When
THIS ADDRESS TO THE MINISTERS AND OFFICERS
Was Promulgated. Rebellion had been quelled; disobedience had been punished; peace had been secured at length within the borders of the empire.—There was now leisure to attend to the right ordering of the system of administra
tion. <[£ jgj £ }g $ ^,-'the king of Chow soothed the myriad regions.' This phrase,—1 the myriad regions,' as well as
the |JLJ and At ^jl below, are taken by Ying-ta as vague expressions, it being proper,
when speaking of the movements and measures of the emperor, to do so 'in large terms ;' and both Lin Crackle and Ts'ae approve of the remark. I have spoken of the five tenures of Yu, and the ten tenures of the Chow dynasty on pp. 148, 140; and the difficulty of reconciling them with one another, and of reconciling the dimensions of even the five tenures with the actual extent of the country. There are other difficulties, however, in the way of taking the 'myriad regions' of the text literally, which may be seen in the note of Ch'in Sze-k'ae in loc. He says:—'The empire of Chow was 10,000 le square. A space of 1,000 le square, giving an area of 1,000,000 square U, would contain 100 States, each 100 le square; and the whole, 10,000 such States. But the territory of one of the greater princes was 100 le square:—it is easy to see how the tenures could contain 10,000 States. At the beginning of the Chow dynasty, however, the princes who assembled at Muh were only 800 (see on p. 298, App. to the Great Declaration). And in the " Imperial Regulations" (see
the Le Ke, Bk. E. (till) the States of the
empire only amount to 1,713. For these reasons Ying-ta said we were not to take the 10,000 in the text literally.' We can indeed only regard the 'myriad States ' of the text as a great exaggeration; and we must take in the same way the
statement in the /W, about the great Yu, that 'when he assembled the princes at mount Too, they came with their gems and silks from ten thousand States' (-e 4|=p- ^
i3 )• ^ ^6/—see the figure of the
tenures of Chow, on p. 149. Those of the How and the Teen were the first and second beyond the imperial domain. The critics seem to think that the king's progresses were not confined to them, but extended at least to the 'six tenures' immediately mentioned. 'These two are mentioned,' says Ying-ttt, 'as being nearest to the imp. domain.' But why should we extend the meaning of the text in this way? There may have been good reasons, not recorded, why only the How and Teen tenures were inspected at this
§>t T; Us <b H- Yine-W the kin«
had only smitten the Hwae tribes, and the statement here that his punitive expeditions had extended on every side is an exaggeration like that in 'myriad regions.' Here again our best way is simply to take the text as we find it.
translation. Gan-kwO takes = jj^, a meaning which the character has, but which does not seem so appropriate here. ills —
comp. Pt. HI., Bk. ILL, p. 5. A- the Chow dyn. had nine fuk, or ten, including the imp. domain. By the 'six tenures' here are probably to be understood the How, Teen, Nan, Isis, Wei, mentioned in the 1st par. of the 'Announcement about LIV and the imp. domain. There is much discussion on the point among the critics, however:—see Lin Che-k'e in loc.
II. The king said, "It was the grand method of former times to regulate the government while there was no confusion, and to secure the country while there was no danger." He said, "Yaou and Shun studied antiquity, and established a hundred officers. At court there were the General Regulator, and the President of the Four Eminences. Abroad there were the Pastors of the provinces, and the princes of States. Thus the various departments of
Jj|] ^1, 'honoured and received ( = ac> knowledged) the virtue of the House of Chow.'
[jjfif /Jji—where did the king
return from? This announcement, occurring here, affords some ground for Ying-ta's view, that the king made a progress not only through the How and Teen tenures, but through all the
others. By Jjijj it would seem that we
should understand Woo's capital of Haou;—see on Bk. III., p. 1. There king Ching continued to have his residence, notwithstanding the duke of Chow's wish that he should remove to the new city of Lo. The prefatory notice, however, says that the king returned to Fung, which had been the capital of Wan. The various methods by which it has been attempted to harmonize the two statements may be seen in Lin Chc-k'e. He himself approves of the view of Ch'in Shaounan,—that king Ching first came to Haou, 'the honoured city of Chow' in the text, and there deliberated and determined on the various arrangements for the officers; and that then, before the public proclamation of them, he went to Fung, to announce the intended measure in the temple of king Wan. jj£
managed the rectification of the officers administering the affairs of government.'
Ch. II. Pp. 2—4. First Part Of The king's
ADDRESS:—THE PRECEDENTS OF FORMER DYNASTIES, AND HIS OWN ANXIETY TO DISPLAY A
SIMILAR WISDOM. 2. ^gj1 A ||Jj,—
Gan-kwu gives for this—'it J|g "jjlj' A jg,
'we ought to accord with ( = to follow) the great method of antiquity.' It is better to
take ^g- with Lin Che-k'e, as an introductory
particle, so that it simply
'anciently' Ts'ae understands the phrase thus.
He is wrong, however, I think, in his interpreta
tion of A ffft as=^ i|| it as if it were in apposition with it? and the whole
meant—'in ancient times, the age when right principles greatly prevailed.' Gaubil takes the passage thus, and appears to think that some great meaning lies hid in it. He translates:— 'Anciently, in the time de la graude lot, good government consisted in preventing troubles, and in preserving the kingdom without danger;' adding in a note, 'We see that the time of the grand law is a time of innocence; the troubles and the dangers of States come not till after this time. I believe that king Ching means to say that innocence of manners and public tranquillity are the basis of good government. The commentaries give here no light on the text.'
The text is really sufficiently plain, j^j* :g*
A tit TM" ''*ie gran(' met'10d of former times was this:'—. The next par. illustrates how this method was carried out by Yaou and Shun, and Yu, and T'ang. When they had brought peace about in their distracted empires, they proceeded to secure it by the ordering of their official system. And Ching, having got the empire tranquillized at length, would now go on to imitate their example.
e names of Pt. I., and II. Yaou and Sh
on the names of Pt. I., and II. Yaou and Shun are intended, and it seems better to give those well-known names in the translation. Medhurst for gives—'examined the records of
antiquity. But a statement so remarkable should not be supplemented. Gaubil observes that 'these two sovereigns, it may be inferred, had certain sources of knowledge, that is to say, some history, of the times anterior to theirs.' The expression may lead us to infer so, but I have not introduced the inference into the version. Gaubil adds:—'The author of the k speaks of the officers of Hwang-te, and of Shaou-haou, who reigned before Yaou. Confucius, in his commentaries on the Yih King,
government went on harmoniously, and the myriad States all enjoyed repose. In the dynasties of Hea and Shang, the number of officers was doubled, and they continued able to secure good government. Those intelligent kings, in establishing their government, cared not so much about the number of the offices as about the men. Now I, who am a little child, cultivate with reverence my virtue, concerned day and night about my deficiencies. I look up to those former dynasties, and seek to conform to them, while I instruct and direct you, all my officers.
•peaks of Fuh-lie, of Shin-nung, and of Hwang-te, as of princes of an earlier date.' This subject will be found touched on in the prolegomena.
ft ^ m. & ik-i<* w 8<*m the
'Canon of Shun,' p. 2. JJtJ Jji,—see on the 'Can. of Yaou,' p. 11; et al. N ij^,—see on the 1 Can. of Shun,' p. 16. Ts'ae takes
as =' the chiefs of the princes of States;'
and Ying-ttt identified them with the
mentioned in the 'Yih and Tseih,' p. 8. Much preferable to either of these views is that
of Lin Che-k'e, that the and are two of the five orders of feudal princes, among whom the provinces were divided,—two specified for the whole gt '['-^ =fip,—comp.
IS $H J^C 'Can- of Slmn'' p-27< Medhurst translates qt; 3tl f$ ^* b^ 'an<* yet they were enabled to maintain order,' as if it were surprising that they should be able to do so with two hundred officers instead of one hundred. We ought not to suppose any adversative force in Lin Che-k'e appears to have had an impression of the meaning similar to that of Dr. Medhurst, for he writes of the officers of Hea and Shang being double the number of those of Yaou and Shun, and of those of the Chow dyn. being still more numerous (amounting to 300), because men were more able in the
earlier times. It is strange that it did not occur to him that, as the population grew with the lapse of time, the number of officers was necessarily increased. E rjji j^,—Gankw6 joined this to the next par., and understood it as a general remark about 'intelligent kings,* with which Ching prefaces the account of his own arrangements. It is better to understand the remark as applying to Yaou and Shun, Yu, and T'ang. The gist of it is, that these sovereigns were not anxious to have the show of many offices, but to get right men. Ts'ae says 1
4. T fj|['—' reverently sedulous
about my virtue.' it's, 'to reach to.'
~J%¥- We must suppose that he measured his deficiencies with reference to the standard of Yaou, and the other 1 intelligent monarchs.'
m T; jg|[, 'I look up to those intelligent