תמונות בעמוד
PDF
ePub

伊旣奭王信子前旦德。

受 受天我○人非

命不道又光克在副

于時在○庸惟曰施有罕 ·公釋 釋寜天于正予

天有

我迪
迪小

在若

君文德可沖

5 of their forefathers. Now I, Tan, being but as a little child, am not able to correct our king. I would simply conduct him to the glory

6

of his forefathers, and make his youth partaker of that."

He also said, "Heaven is not to be trusted. Our course is simply to seek the prolongation of the virtue of the Tranquillizing king, and Heaven will not find occasion to remove its favouring decree which king Wan received."

7 II. The duke said, "Prince Shih, I have heard that of ancient time, when Tang the Successful had received the favouring decree, he had with him E Yin, making his virtue like that of great Heaven. verbs 經歴 and 嗣

Gan-kwo, instead

P.6. The favour of Heaven being so uncertain, the way to secure it is by perpetuating the virtue of of construing the passage thus, put a stop at king Woo. We are to understand king Woo by and read on the conclusion with the first part(The Tranquillizing king,'——see on Bk. VII., p.

of the 5th par.嗣前人恭明德 8. Ts'ae expands the text very clearly:一天 在今予小子旦 To continue the 固不可信然在我之道,惟 reverent and brilliant virtue of our forefathers 以延長武王之德使天不

rests now with me the little child Tan.' Këang

Shing has nearly the same punctuation, After|容捨文王所受之命也

all this, no two agree in explaining the former

portion-乃其(K.S. omits this 其) 隧 命弗克經歴 It will suffice to mention the view of Ke-ling:一夫天之墜 命者以其不能有經歴人

'now Heaven lets its favouring decree fall to the ground, because they cannot have men of

Ch. II. Pp. 7–10. WHAT BENEFITS WERE DERIVED DURING THE TIME OF YIN FROM THE GREAT AND ABLE MINISTERS WHO LIVED IN DIFFERENT REIGNS. IT WAS FOR PRINCE SHIH IN

HIS TIME TO SERVE IN THE SAME WAY THE DYN

ASTY OF CHOW.

7. The most distinguished

ministers of Yin, and the emperors under whom they

flourished. 我聞至皇天,the 若

prefixed to all the names = 'a man like,' yet

experience!’ For 非克有正云 hot implying any other besides the minister thus 云, the ‘Daily Explanation' gives:我非 pointed out. 伊尹,一see the first introducZ, 眞有格心之術可以匡正 tory note on The Instructions of E 吾君也所孜孜啟迪著惟 格于皇天 以前人光大之德付與我 Pt.iii., p. 10. 子使其上而事

治民知所經歴繼嗣不至 于遏佚前人之光耳

–see (The Charge to Yuě,"

在太甲至保衡

-see on 'The T'ae-këǎ,' Pt. i. p. 1, and 'The Charge to Yuě,' Pt. iii., p. 10. The duke of Chow here calls E Yin by his name or title,

with evident reference to the beginning of the 'T'ae-kea.' 太戊至王家

有惟有賢乙則保太 殷兹若在時又格有衡甲 故有甘武則王于若在時 殷陳盤丁有家上伊太則 禮保○時若在帝陟戊有 陟又率則巫祖巫臣時若

T'ae-këă, again, had Paou-hăng. Tae-mow had E Chih and Chin Hoo, through whom his virtue was made to affect God; he had also Woo Heen, who regulated the royal House. Tsoo-yih had Woo 8 Heen. Woo-ting had Kan Pwan. These ministers carried out their principles, and effected their arrangements, preserving and regulating the empire of Yin, so that, while its ceremonies lasted, those sove–see the notices 22 and 23 in the Confucian (安上治民之禮), and the whole clause

preface. We may assume that in this passage the duke of Chow had before him the Books of Shang mentioned in those notices, which are now lost. If we had them, we should find the

expression 格于上帝, as we find 格 于皇天 in (The Charge to Yuě' From the isth notice in the preface we learn that

13th

Tang had a minister called Chin Hoo.

He

would be an ancestor probably of the Chin Hoo

mentioned here in connection with Tae-mow. 祖乙至巫賢,一if we had the lost

Book Tsoo-yih (see Pref.,n. 26), we should probably find this Woo Heen mentioned in it. 甘盤 -see 'The Charge to Yue,' Pt.

iii., p. 1. We cannot but be surprised that the duke does not make any mention of Foo Yuč. Keang Shing throws out the hint that Kan Pwan and Foo Yue may have been the same manwhich is absurd. Gan-shih says that as Pwan was the earliest instructor of Woo-ting, the wisdom which guided that emperor to get Yue for his minister was owing to him; but this does not account for the omission of Yue in the duke's list. Perhaps something like a reason for it is suggested by the next par. 8. The happy

as meaning that the govt. of Yin was so good that its sovereigns were on earth the representatives of God above, and occupied the imperial

[blocks in formation]

are most naturally taken adverbially, according to the ceremonial usages of Yin,' or as in the translation. Then 陟 and 配天

are

predicates of the emperors of Yin, probably of those who are specially mentioned in the preceding par., the former char. describing them as 'deceased' (see 'The Canon of Shun,' p. 28), and declaring the fact of their being associated with Heaven in the sacrifices to it. In the present dyn. all its departed emperors are so honoured at the great sacrificial services. Under the Chow dyn. only How-tseih and king Wan enjoyed the distinction. The rule of the Yin dyn. seems to have been to associate the five emperors of whom the duke has been speaking. [We have perhaps in this custom a reason for the omission of Foo Yue iu the prec. par. From the Pwan-kang, Pt. i., 14, we learn that their ministers shared in the sacrifices to the sovereigns of Yin. Each emperor would have one

result of the services of those ministers.
兹有陳—this must be spoken of the six emperors o

great ministers just enumerated.-'In accord-
ance with this,'-i.e., their course of action so
described 'they had an arrangement.' The

meaning is very obscure. The critics, however,

all expand it much as Ts'ac does:一六臣循 惟此道有陳列之功殷禮 陟配天,Gan-kwǔ takes 殷禮‘the

minister as his assessor, and so Woo-ting could the latter may have been the greater man of the

not have both Kan Pwan and Foo Yue. Though

two, the sacrificial honour was given to the other as having been the earlier instructor of ceremonies of Yin,' as 'the govt. of Yin' the emperor. The duke, having the emperors

罔于辟惟矧恤人則〇配 不四故德咸小罔商天天 是方一稱奔臣不實惟多 若人用走屏秉百純歴 有父惟侯德姓佑年 公噬事兹甸明王命所。

reigns though deceased were assessors to Heaven, while it extended 9 over many years. Heaven thus determinately maintained its favouring appointment, and Shang was replenished with men. The various officers, and members of the royal House holding employments, all held fast their virtue, and displayed an anxious solicitude for the empire. The smaller officers, and the chiefs in the How and Teen domains, hurried about on their services. Thus did they all put forth their virtue, and aid their sovereign, so that whatever affairs he, the one man, had in hand, throughout the four quarters of the empire, an entire sincerity was conceded to them as to the indications of the tortoise or the milfoil."

as sacrified to in his mind, had no occasion therefore to mention Yuě. This explanation was first suggested by Soo Shih.]

I acquiesce in this view of the text, in preference to that proposed by Gan-kwo. It has its difficulties, however, and one of the principal is that we are obliged to find another subject for the verb in the concluding clause. The use

of所, at the end is peculiar. The ‘Daily Explanation’says it is merely an expletive’(語

[ocr errors]

can be given. A usage of it apparently analogous to that here is given in the Dict., with

[blocks in formation]

it is not possible to say positively what officers are intended by these designa'the

as

tions. Woo Ching takes 百姓
people of the imperial domain' (王畿之

which is saying that no account of it; comp. the use of the phrase in 'The
Canon of Yaou,' p. 2); but it must be used of
officers or ministers, and not of the people.
Perhaps Keang
as the
officers with different surnames from that of

the definition 指物之辭 ‘a demon- |

strative.’

P.9. The same subject. 天惟純 佑命則商實,一such is the punctuation adopted by Tsne, and also by Keang Shing. Gan-kwǒ read on to 百姓, but the

I suppose it =百官

Shing is correct in taking 百姓

the imperial House (異姓之臣), and 王人

as cadets of that House in official

employment (王之族人同姓之

meaning which he endeavours to make out for 臣) 明恤=明致其恤有 商實百姓 is inadmissible. Tsae sup

憂國之心. The phrase is correlative

ports the explanation of which appears with 秉德 and is not to be joined with 小

in the translation, by referring to Mencius,

Book VII, Pt. II., xii., 1,一不信仁賢臣 below,-as Gan-kwǒ does.

屏侯 則國空虛 .If men of virtue and ability|甸=為屏藩于侯甸之服

[ocr errors]

be not trusted, a State will become empty and -'those who acted as screens (=the prin

10

[blocks in formation]

The duke said, "Prince Shih, Heaven gives long life to the just and the intelligent;-it was thus that those ministers maintained and regulated the dynasty of Yin. He who at last came to the throne was extinguished by the majesty of Heaven. Think you of the distant future, and we shall have the decree in favour of Chow made sure, and its good government will be brilliantly displayed in our new-founded State,overnment

11 III. The duke said, "Prince Shih, aforetime when God was afflicting Yin, he encouraged new the virtue of the Tranquillizing king, till at last the great favouring decree was concentrated in his

ces) in the How and Tëen domains. 矧=|邦其治效赫然明著於 惟 我新造之那‘its efficient govt. will

'still more;' or simply 'likewise.'

=

new founded kingdom.' Maou K'e-ling under

兹惟德稱=惟此内外之臣,be gloriously and brilliantly displayed in our 舉稱其德 Call these ministers,

about the court and away from it, throughout the empire, displayed and exerted their virtue.

若卜筮罔不是(=是之) 字(=信之)-如龜之下,如 著之筮天下無不敬信之

stands Lö to be the newly founded country;'

but the dynasty is what is meant; compare the passage of the She King, quoted in "The Great Learning,' comm., ii., 3. [It does not appear

from this par. that the duke of Shaou had ex

pressed his wish to withdraw from the public service, but the duke of Chow is evidently

urging him to continue at his post to the last.]

Ch. III. Pp. 11-17. IT WAS BY THE AID

OF THEIR ABLE MINISTERS THAT THE KINGS

P. 10. Advice to Shih, grounded on the prec., that he should do for Chow what those ministers WAN AND WOOo were raised to THEIR GRAND

had done for Yin. 天壽平格

Gan-kwo supposes that is spoken of

the sovereigns of Yin, (平至之君. It is better to understand the characters of the ministers who have been spoken of. They are called 平, (level,' free of all selfishness, and

‘intelligent,' all-reaching and embracing. conveys not only the idea of long life, but also of prosperity,一 -as in the last Book, p. 7.

Show is intended by 有殷嗣 威=天滅之以示威

|

11. 上帝一

DISTINCTION AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE
EMPIRE. THE DUKE OF CHOW LOOKS TO SHIH
TO COOPERATE WITH HIM IN MAINTAINING THEIR
DYNASTY OF CHOW.
overthrow of the dynasty of Yin. Keang Shing,
'God was cutting,' i.e., was bringing about the
after K'ang-shing, takes 割 for 蓋, a particle

of style, the force of which passes into the
verbs that follow; but there is no necessity to
resort to such a device. Hea Seen observes
that‘Heaven encouraged king Wăn, and after-

天滅 wards enocouraged king Woo; hence the lan永念 guage-申勸;-see the 集說 申

think of the distant future.' This is better

is‘a term, continuative of what has gone be

than to take the terms as simply="always fore’(繼前之辭). In the Le Ke, Bk. think of this." 厥亂明我新造淄衣, p. 24, we find this par, in the forme

知亦蔑來若

[graphic]
[graphic]

有修躬

天惟德茲O泰有若和
威純除
降 又顛
又巔若虢我
乃体 佑于彝日有散叔有文
惟秉國教無若宜有夏
時德人文能南生若亦尙
昭迪○王往宮 有閎 閎惟克

12 person. But that king Wan was able to conciliate and unite the portion of the great empire which we came to possess, was owing to his having such ministers as his brother of Kih, Hwang Yaou, San E-săng, Tae Teen, and Nan-kung Kwo.”

13

He repeated this sentiment, "But for the ability of these men to go and come in his affairs, developing his constant lessons, there would have been no benefits descending from king Wan on the 14 people. And it also was from the determinate favour of Heaven, that there were these men of firm virtue, and acting according to their knowledge of the dread majesty of Heaven, to give themselves

在昔上帝周田觀文王之 德其集大命于厥躬This

was, no doubt, the reading current in the Han dyn. as from Fuh-shang. 12. King Wǎn

cathe thing in question, except in the case

names. So says Gan-kwǔ, and there is no reason

of the second, whose surname is said by some to have been散宜: Of those five ministers we

can hardly be said to know more than the surnames and names. It would be a waste of time to refer to the legendary tales that are circulated

and the ministers who aided him. 惟文 至有夏-我有夏=我所有 about them. If we were surprised that there was 之諸夏, 'the empire, or the portion of the

empire, which we had.' The reference is to

the two-thirds of the empire which acknowledged the authority of Wăn. 尙=庶 幾‘perhaps.' Tsow Ching-k'e says that the terms intimate the difficulty of Wan's undertaking, and the greatness of the assistance which he derived from his ministers.

no mention in p. 7 of Foo Yue, it is no less strange that the greatest of Wan's ministers, the should here be passed over in silence. 公望

13. It is certainly most natural to take

又日 here as introducing another remark,

Chow. I can by no means accede to the view confirmatory of the preceding, by the duke of of Gan-kwǔ, and of Këang Shing and K'e-ling

among the moderns, that 又日無能往

虢叔,-from a passage in the 左傳僖 來 is an observation of king Wăn, who, though 五年, we learn that this was a son of king Ke, and a younger brother of Wăn. Kih was

the name of his appanage, in the pres. dis. of

he had those five ministers, still said, 'They are not able (=enough) to go and come in my affairs.' In order to make the rest of the par. harmonize in any way with this construction,

Paou-ke (寶雞), dep. of Fung-tsëang, Shen they are obliged to take 蔑德='exquisite

se. [This was called the western Kih. There were two other districts called Kih under the

Chow dynasty, the eastern Kih, and the northern.]

閎散泰 and 南宮

are

virtue.

14. This par. corresponds to par. 9. What E Yin and the others did for the emperors of Yin, that did these five ministers for king Wan, and all by the determinate favour of Heaven. The 'Daily Explanation'

surnames; and 夭宜生顛 and 括 are expands 亦惟純佑秉德 into 我

[blocks in formation]
« הקודםהמשך »