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國寡庶之帥 帥舊祖:

祖有 民依位甲九 甲大

十祖不能爱小 不年 年享或 有甲敢保知人義 國怨 三之侮惠小作惟其五肆 年享鰈于人其王在于高

ways, but admirably and tranquilly presided over the empire of Yin, till in all its States, great and small, there was not a single murmur. It was thus that Kaou-tsung enjoyed the throne for fifty and nine

years.

“In the case of Tsoo-kea, he would not unrighteously be emperor, and was at first one of the inferior people. When he came to the throne, he understood the law of the support of the inferior people, and was able to exercise a protecting kindness towards their masses, and did not dare to treat with contempt the widower and widows. Thus it was that Tsoo-këǎ enjoyed the throne for thirty and three

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Charge to Yuě,, Pt. i., p. 1. I have said there that we are not to suppose that the emperor during the years of mourning maintained a total silence, but only kept from speaking on govern

mental matters. This is perhaps indicated by

spoken of here was the son of Kaou-tsung,

and maintained that we were to find him in But from

Tae-këi, the grandson of Tang

Chung-tsung the duke comes on to Kaou-tsung, approaching to the rise of their own dynasty of Chow-how unnatural the address would be if

he were now to go back to the beginning of the times of Yint Moreover, the son of Kaou-tsung

was styled Tsoo-kea, while the grandson of Tang was called Tae-këǎ. Nor does the confinement of T'ac-kën for a season by E Yin for his misdeeds sufficiently answer the require

ments of the text,一不義惟王舊為 小人,知小人之依 Gan-kwd.

the 或 其惟不言言乃雍 –I have translated this according to the account which we have in the beginning of "The Charge to Yue.' Kang-shing supposed that the duke

is still speaking of Kaou-tsung during the time of mourning; but that is very unlikely. The history is evidently being carried on and for

ward.

says:-湯孫太甲為王不義 久為小人之行伊尹放之 桐, Tae-kea, being king, proved unrighteous.

He had long displayed the conduct of an unworthy person, and E Yin confined him in

嘉靖殷邦 he made the Tung.' But the meaning thus given to 小人,

States-the empire--of Yin admirable and tranquil,' i.e., he hushed all jarrings, and produced great prosperity.

6. The case of Tsoo-këă. Tsoo-këd was the son of Kaou-tsung. I have mentioned on p. 269 that Sze-ma Ts'een says that Tsoo-këd was lewd and disorderly. Similar testimony is found in the Having respect to these statements, Gan-kwo could not admit that the emperor

which has already occurred three times in the address, and always with the signification of 'the inferior people,' without any implication of unworthinesss, must be rejected. On every ground we must conclude that the sovereign spoken of was not the grandson of Tang. He was the son of Kaou-tsung. Kang.shing has & story that Woo-ting wanted to disinherit Tsookën's elder brother in favour of him, and that Tsoo-kea, thinking such a proceeding would be unrighteous, withdrew and lived for a time among

惟周六年亦樂聞分 生0

惟我周太王王季

公 年或之 小科
或七或從

四八克自

稼穑之

小人之勞

年 時愛

年 F.或或

厥惟難

生厥

◎自時厥後立王

季亦〇五十後耽不不王

7 "The emperors which arose after these all their life-time enjoyed From their birth enjoying ease, they did not understand the

8

ease.

painful toil of sowing and reaping, nor hear of the hard labours of the inferior people. They only sought after excessive pleasures, and so not one of them enjoyed the throne for a long period. They continued for ten years, for seven or eight, for five or six, or perhaps only for three or four."

III. The duke of Chow said, "Oh! there likewise were king T'ae and king Ke of our own Chow, who attained to humility and reverential

the common people(祖甲以為不義逃| Explanation' says: -身爲帝王之 於民間). Tsae adduces this as the ground 裔長于宮禁之中生則止 of the language in the text,一不義惟王見安逸耳 舊為小人:Ying-tä and Maou Ke-ling |

after him object to this account, that no authority can be adduced for it, and that there is no evidence of Köa's elder brother being unworthy, while it is defaming a good king like Woo-ting to say that he wanted to disinherit his eldest son in favour of a younger brother. Ke-ling, therefore, supposes that Tsoo-këa, in his youth, had been dissolute, and consorted with unworthy associates

舊為小人言祖甲少行不 義发及非類). But here is the meaning of to which I have objected above. His explanation is as much an hypothesis as that of Kang-shing, whom he vehemently condemns. The truth is,-while it is plain that it is the son of Kaou-tsung of whom the duke of Chow speaks, we do not know enough of that emperor to explain all his language. Gan

kwù for 保惠于庶民 gived 安順 於庶民: It is better to take 惠 愛

as in the translation.

Keang Shing says in

geniously that the repetition of 生則逸

indicates that thus it was with one emperor and another. It is as well, however, to construe

as I have done. 惟耽樂之從一 another reading for this is

but the meaning is the same. 克

-'could come to old age;' but the sequel

shows that he is speaking of the occupancy of the throne. A long life and a long reign, how

ever, would generally go together. It is to be observed that the reigns of the other sovereigns of Yin were not so short as the text says. There were six emperors after Tsoo-keă, of whom one reigned 21 years; a second, 23; and the tyrant Show himself, 28. Between Kaoutsung and Chung-tsung, again, there were 12 reigns, of which only 2 were under ten years.

Ch. III. Pp.8–11. THE DUKE DIRECTS THE KING'S ATTENTION TO THE PRINCES OF THEIR OWN DYNASTY,-TO KINGS T'AE AND KE, AND

ESPECIALLY TO KING WAN. 8. 厥亦 云云,the 厥 corresponds to the H with which pp. 5 and 6 begin. 太王王季 The Daily –see Bk. III., p. 5; and the notes in pp. 268, 269.

7. The other emperors of Yin. 生則逸

– being born, they had ease.'

邦盤民暇于鮮恭田王克
惟于○食日鰥懷功卑自
正遊文用中寡保◎服抑
之田王咸自小徽
供以不和不朝民柔康

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畏。

文庶敢萬遑至惠懿功文

9 awe. King Wăn dressed meanly, and gave himself to the work of 10 tranquillization, and to that of husbandry. Admirably mild and beautifully humble, he cherished and protected the inferior people, and showed a fostering kindness to the widower and widows. From morning to midday, and from midday to sundown, he did not allow himself time to eat;-thus seeking to secure the happy harmony 11 of the myriads of the people. King Wăn did not dare to go to any excess in his excursions or his hunting, and from the various States he received only the correct amount of contribution. He received

which it sometimes has. Gan-kwo seems to

克自抑畏-柳 means 'to press strained. We must take 鮮一善, a meaning hard,' and 'to repress' Hence 自柳=to miish the saleaning altogether, and construes be humble.' 9. 文王卑 服,comp. absurdly. 昃 is the sun declining in the 卽=就‘to approach to;' here == (to apply west. 自朝至于日中昃=自 朝至于日之中自中至

what Confucius says about Yu, Ana, VIII., xxi.

to’康功 安民之功‘services

giving repose to the people. 田功一日之昃不遑暇食-both遑 民之功, ‘services giving nourishment to

the people.' See Mencius, I., Pt. II., v., 3.

Këang Shing takes 服一事, so that the par. would have a very unworthy meaning,-'king

are

Wăn occupied himself with mean affairs,' &c. 10. 徽柔懿恭−徽 and 懿 both defined by 美‘admirable' excellent' 徽 it would have been weakness; and if his

If Wan's mildness, it is said, had not been

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ficult expression, and Këang Shing reads 惠 于鰥寡, which is much simpler. Tsae,

adhering to the meaning of as 'fresh, with

no taint of corruption,' says that 'widowers and

and signify 'leisure.' Ying-tă observes that
in their conjunction we have an instance of the

duplicated expressions (複語) of the ancients.
11. 盤于遊田 1, we met with 盤
遊無度 in Pt. III., Bk. III., p. 1, where
盤 HI
! has the sense of 樂‘pleasure.' Here, fol-
lowed by 于, however, the meaning of 盤桓
不止,‘incessant movement,'is to be preferred.
On the 游 see Mencius, I., Pt. II., iv., 5. There

were the proper seasons both for tours of inspec-
tion and hunting expeditions. Wăn made them

both at those seasons, and did not protract them beyond the regulated length of time. 田 = 畋, (to hunt.’ 以庶邦惟正之供

-Ts'ae, after earlier critics of the Sung dynasty,

takes this as = -於常貢正數之外

widows hang their heads down, all out of spirits; 無横斂也,‘beyond the correct amount

and when you give them an alms, you make them as it were become alive.' This is very

of the regular tribute, he made no oppressive exactions;' and he adds that if Wăn dealt in

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12

有天○以觀嗣公享王 愆攸乃無萬于王日國受 無若非皇民則 嗚

若時民日惟于其呼 十

殷人攸今正遊無繼年。

王丕訓日之于淫自

受則非耽供田于今周厥

the appointment of Heaven in the middle of his life, and enjoyed the throne for fifty years."

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IV. The duke of Chow said, “Oh ! from this time forward, do you who have succeeded to the throne imitate his avoiding of excess in his sights, his ease, his excursions, his hunting; and from the myriads 13 of the people receive only the correct amount of contribution. Do not allow yourself the leisure to say, 'To-day I will indulge in pleasure.' This is not holding out a lesson to the people, nor the way to secure the favour of Heaven. Men will on the contrary this way with the States which acknowledged | kwd points 繼自今嗣王云云,and

his authority as chief of the West, it is easy to see how gentle was his taxation of his own

people. Gan-kwo interpreted the clause quite differently:-以衆國所取法則 當以正道供待之, which Ying-tǔ

expounds, He considered that it was from him that all the States had to take their pattern, so that his proper business was to regulate himself with a right heart, to minister the treatment to

them, This is hardly intelligible; and Këang

Shing would gladly reduce the whole clause to

唯政之恭 and reverently attended to the business of the govt.,' from a passage in the 國語語上, which even Yuh-tsae

says ought not to be credited in the case;-see

段大合古文尙書撰異, in loc. 受命惟中身,Wăn's receiving

the appointment' here can only be understood

of his succeeding to his father as one of the

princes of the empire. Gan-kwo observes that

Wăn died at the age of 97, and as he was 47

when he came to the principality of Chow, the

expression 中身,‘middle of his life,’ must

not be pressed.

Ch. IV. Pp. 12, 13.THE DUKE URGES KING

CHING TO MAKE THE MAXIM OF 'NO DAY FOR
IDLENESS THE RULE OF HIS LIFE, AND TO
ESCHEW THE EXAMPLE OF SHOW. 12. Gan-

understands the duke to have in view all future

SO

sovereigns of the House of Chow (4 已往嗣世之王皆戒之, that the 則 that follows is merely a particle.

I prefer, however, the construction of Ts'ae,
which appears in the translation. Acc. to it,
the words are addressed to king Ching, though
there is of course a lesson in them for future

kings as well; 則 is a verb, 一法, ‘to imitate,'
and the 其 which follows it refers to king Wăn.
觀=
lour 'sight-seeing. 以萬民 takes
here the place of 以庶邦, being appropriate

of,

to the case of the emperor, whereas the other of the West,' the Head of a portion of the States.

expression was descriptive of Wán as the Chief

Këang Shing gives for the par.-嗚呼

繼自今嗣王其毋淫于酒 母佚于游田維正之共 which

appears in one of the chapters of The Books of Han,' and was perhaps the reading of Fuh

shang. 13. 皇 must be taken as = the 遑 of par. 10. 非民訓=非民 之所以為教, (is not what the people should take as their lesson. 天若

1

14

訓厥張民保猶聞公液 之不為無惠胥日日

酒德

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乃聽幻 幻或胥訓古鳴哉亂
變人
人○胥
胥教告之呼 酗
亂乃此壽 誨胥人,我周于

greatly imitate you, and practise evil. Become not like Show, the king of Yin, who went quite astray, and was abandoned to the practice of drunkenness.'

99

V. The duke of Chow said, " Oh! I have heard it said that, in the case of the ancients, their ministers discharged their functions in warning and admonishing them, in protecting and loving them, in teaching and instructing them; and among their people there was hardly one who would impose on them by extravagant language or deceiv15 ing tricks. If you will not listen to this and profit by it, your ministers will imitate you, and so the correct laws of the former 天之所順, what Heaven will accord | lie,' to deceive' This is plainly the meaning, with.' 時=是, corresponding to the J but I do not know that 張 by itself is ever 時人丕則有愆一是人 found with this signification. 幻 is defined by 大則效之斯有愆尤 變名易實以眩觀, changing names 酗于酒德-comp. The Viscount of In Fuh-shang's text this clause appears to have Wei' p. 1. It is very evident that 德 may be wanted the commencing 民, and the 胥 after 或 15. An application of the state

above.

spoken of vice as well as of virtue.

Ch. V. Pp. 14, 15. THE DUKE URGES THE KING TO RECEIVE GOOD ADVICE, REFERRING TO THE CASE OF ANCIENT SOVEREIGNS WHO HAD DONE SO, AND POINTING OUT THE EVIL CONSEQUENCES OF A CONTRARY COURSE.

14. By we are probably to understand the three sovereigns of Yin celebrated in the second

古之人

chapter, and king Wăn. 猶胥至教 誨 —we have to understand, their ministers,' as the subject of the verbs 訓告 訓告 &c. The force of the 猶, ‘still,' is thus brought

out:-The virtue of those ancient sovereigns was complete. It seemed as if they needed no assistance; but still their ministers did not cease

to instruct them,' &e. 胥=相.It indicates

the mutual intercourse of sovereigns and ministers, while we must restrict the action of the

verbs to the latter. 民無或云云,

-this shows the result throughout the empire,

when those good sovereigns were guided and

and transposing realities, to deceive the sight.'

ments in the prec. par. is here made to king

Ching. If he will not listen to them, 人乃 訓之(一人乃法則之), (men will learn of him. The men' intended are his

ministers. 正刑=正法, correct

laws.' Ts'ae instances the light punishments and

light taxation, which were the rule with ancient

good sovereigns, and which would be superseded by severe penalties, and heavy exactions.

is to be joined with 正刑 至于小大 民否‘the people disapproving.' The

disallowing and changing the laws which were favourable to them will awaken their disaffection and displeasure. Hostile feelings will be cherished in their hearts, and turn to curses on their tongues.

詛祝,these two terms

together = our to curse. Ying-tǔ says that 'to ask the spirits to make miserable is called

詛; and to announce one's thoughts to the

spirits by words is called 祝’(請神加殃

supported in such_a_ way by their ministers. 謂之詛以言告神謂之祝).

The dict. explains 壽張 together by 誑,‘to

Ts'ae and many others explain the par. in

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