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seen immediately that there are strong grounds for believing that that paragraph is out of its place, and should be removed to the beginning of Bk. NHL, 'The Announcement concerning L&.'

Wang Pih observes that the Book might very

named $| # £ ^, (from the occurrence of


well be

the 2d par). Its name, however, is fit and that has the sanction of Mencius, who makes express reference to it, in Bk. V., Pt. II., iv., 4. We have it even so designated thrice in 'The Great Learning:'—Comm. i., 1; ii., 2 ; ix., 2. This carries up very nearly to Confucius himself. If we affirm, as I think we must do, the opinion of the scholars of Sung, that the 1st paragraph does not belong to this Book but to Bk. XIII., we must say what they have not done,—what they would not have ventured to say, even if they had seen to what their argument would lead,—that the great sage here made a mistake in compiling and arranging the tablets of the Shoo.

The Book is found in both the texts.

The Date Of The Announcement; And Its Attiior. The one of these points depends very much upon the other. The prefatory note says:—'King Clung, having smitten his uncles, the prince of Kwan and the prince of Ts'ae, invested his uncle of K'ang with the rule of the remnant of Yin. With ref erence to this, there were made "The Announcement to K'ang," "The Announcement about Wine," and "The Good Materials." According to this account, then, the appointment of the prince of K'ang, in connection with which this Charge was delivered to him, was made by king Ching, or rather by the duke of Chow, acting in the king's name. And it was not till the time of the Sung dynasty that this view was called in question. Sze-ma Ts'een repeatedly affirms it. He says:—'Tan. the duke of Chow, having received the commands of king Ching, attacked and slew Wookang, and then divided the territory of Yin into two parts, appointing the Viscount of Wei to one of them, over the principality of Sung, and the prince of K'ang to the other, over Wei'

Mis s:F

Maou K'e-ling, jpj IS ;and also

Ill: ^O- More important still is the testimony given in the 'j!^, under the 4th

year of duke Ting ^ Ill? 4fi;—B.c.

EOf>), where it is said that after king Woo had overthrown the dynasty of Shang, king Ching settled the empire by means of the regent, the duke of Chow, and that the duke appointed his brother the prince of K'ang over seven of the clans of the domain of Yin, with his seat of

government in its capital (^JsJ1 Jjjj ^{f )•

This view, I have said, was current and uncontradicted for many centuries. Under the

dynasty of Rung, Roo Tung-po was the first to throw out the idea that the first paragraph had erroneously found its way into this Book from among the tablets of the 'Announcement about

Ld.' About the same time, Woo Yih

>|*jjj^; he is also called t and other scholars came to the conclusion that the speaker in the Book was king Woo, and not the duke of Chow. Choo He adopted their views, and was followed by his disciple Ts'ae Ch'in, who sets forth the grounds of them in the following way:—

First, the prince of K'ang was king Ching's

uncle ^C^' and couid not 00 cai'eii °y

him 'younger brother,' as is the case in the par. 1. To the reply to this that the duke of Chow was really the speaker, and might so address Fung, he responds that the duke of Chow prefaced all the Charge with 'The king says,' and the words therefore should only be those appropriate to the lips of the king.

Second, if the Charge were given by the duke of Chow, how do we account for the fact that while there are many references in the Book to king Wan, there is not one to king Woo? And the same question may be asked with reference to the two Books which follow. The words of par.

4,—J|£ R on, have indeed been explained of king Woo, the duke of Chow so speaking of him. But if we suppose that Woo was the speaker, he might very well so describe himself. On the supposition that the duke of Chow was the speaker, the language is contrary to all rule and propriety.

Third, it has been urged that at the time of the overthrow of Shang, Fung was still young, and unfit to be entrusted with an important govt.; and hence that his appointment took place subsequently, under king Ching. But when king Woo obtained the empire, he was about 90 years old. The ten sons of king Wan, so often referred to, were all by the same mother; Woo was the second of them:—could there be one among them, when Woo was ninety, too young to be entrusted with an important administration? This point is too clear to need to be fortified by other considerations which Ts'ae has adduced.

It cannot be denied that there is much force in the two first of these points. We must assent also to Ts'ae's view of the age of the prince of K'ang. He was no doubt old enough to have received an appointment on the conquest of Shang. But other reasons might have prevented his being invested with a principality which would take him from the imperial court. One such reason, quite sufficient, is suggested in the

passage of the it which has been referred

to. It is there said, that, while the duke of Chow was prime minister under the new dynasty, the prince of K'ang was minister of Crime;— and this agrees with the prominent place which the subject of punishments occupies in our Book. The two other points, however, remain; —the general style of the Announcement, and particular expressions in it. For many years, when reading the Shop without thinking of such critical matters as are now in hand, and without regard to commentators, I got the impression that the speaker in the text must bo king Woo;—see the note in 'The Great Learning,' Comm., Ch. i. But I now give in my adhesion to the older view. The authority of the RP, as old as the time of Confucius, and of the Preface, is not to be set aside. The E Q at the


2 I. "The king speaks to this effect:—' Head of the princes,

3 my younger brother, little one, Fung.' It was your greatly distinguished father, the king Wan, who was able to illustrate his

4 virtue and be careful in the use of punishments. He did not dare to show any contempt to the widower and widows. He employed the employable, and revered the reverend; he was terrible to those who needed to be awed:—so getting distinction among the people. It was thus he laid the first beginnings of the sway ofour small portion of the Empire, and the one or two neighbouring countries were

beginning, and the -f- Q throughout the

paragraphs, assimilate the Book closely to the others in which the duke of Chow is undoubtedly the speaker. It will be seen in the notes that some explanation can be given of the most difficult expressions; and it is hardly competent for us to try the language of a man like the duke of Chow by our ideas of the way in which he ought to have spoken. Maou applies here, with considerable force, the saying of Mencius, that 'it is not every ordinary man who can

understand the conduct of superior men' (J^

It still remains to make a remark or two on The Kiitsx Paragraph. It speaks of the founding and completion of the city of LO, which was one of the later labours of the duke of Chow, and is commonly referred to the 7th year of king Clung. As the scholars of Sung wished to make out that the Chargeto the prince of K'ang was delivered by king Woo, it was necessary they should remove from it this paragraph;—as was done by Soo Tung-po in the maimer which I have related above. But while dissenting from their view of the early origin of the Charge, and not hampered therefore in that respect by the par., I must still maintain the correctness of Shin's decision regarding it.

First, it is appropriate at the commencement of the 'Announcement concerning LO;' while here it is altogether out of place. What had the building of Lo to do with the investiture of

Fung with the principality of Wei? In the body of the Charge, moreover, there is not a word having reference to LO, or the reasons which had led the duke of Chow to project the establishment of that new city. Second, the appointment of Fung was to Wei, and must have been contemporaneous with the appointment of the viscount of Wei to the government of Sung. It must have taken place in the 3d or 4th year of king Ching, some years before the building of Lo.

Gan-kwS felt these difficulties, and tried to meet them by supposing that some other noble or nobles had been appointed to rule ' the remnant of Yin,' during the years that elapsed between the suppression of Woo-kiing's rebellion and the building of Lo; and that the result having proved unsatisfactory, the prince of K'ang was then called to the task. This supposition is without any historical ground of support; and Lin Chc-k'e prefers the view of a scholar

Wang, fl' supposed that

Fung had been appointed to Wei immediately after the suppression of the rebellion, but that the Charge in this Book was not given to him till the time when LO was built. But this solution is to the full as unsatisfactory as that of Gan-kwO. The knot cannot be loosed, it seems to me;—why should we hesitate to cut it, by removing the first par. from this Bk. to the 13th? We have seen, indeed, that but for the occurrence of the word 'announcement' in this par., the Book would hardly have been called by its present name; and yet that name was current in the time of Confucius. The sage himself perhaps misplaced the paragraph, or more probably left it, as he found it, in the wrong place. A Chinese critic would not allow this;—a foreign student may say it, when the weight of evidence seems to require him to do so.

Contents. The key-note of the whole Book

is in the clause tit .—' the illustra

tirn of virtue and the careful use of punishments,' in the 3d paragraph. It has been divided into five chapters. The first three parr, (not including par. 1) celebrate the exhibition of those two things, which was given by king Wan, whereby he laid the foundations of the imperial sway of his House, and afforded an example for all his descendants. Parr. 5—7 inculcate on Fung how he should illustrate his virtue, as the basis of his good govt, of the people intrusted to him. Parr. 8—19, inculcate on him how he should be careful in the use of punishments, and set forth the happy effects that would ensue from his being Mr. Parr. 20—22 insist on the influence of virtue, as being superior in govt, to that of punishments, and how punishments should all be regulated by the ruler's virtue. The last chapter, parr. 23, 24, winds the subject up with a reference to the uncertainty of the appointments of Heaven, and their dependance for permanence on the discharge of the duties they require from those, on whom they have lighted.

P. 1. See on the 'Announcement concerning LO.'

Ch. I. Pp. 2—4. The Duke or Chow, Addressing Fung As His Younger Brother, Sets Forth To Him The Admirable Qualities

Of Their Father Wan. 2. Q,

—see on the 1st par. of the 7th Book. The 'king' is king Ching. J^L^^l:' '"ie

eldest,' 'the first.' It is here =' chief;' and ■0|= =|£ J: 2: 'Head of the princes.' . Acc. to the Le Ke, Bk. J Pt. ii., p. 2, every w| or province of the empire, embracing 210 ^| or States, was under the authority of a

chief or (tit. We may conclude therefore that

Fung had been invested with that dignity. Fuh-shang has said, indeed, that the son of the

emperor when 18 years old, was styled


and K'ang-shing supposes that it is king Ching who is thus addressed in the text. This is one of the extravagances which we are surprised to find men like Kiiang Shing and Wang Mingshing adopting and defending at the present

day. JJ£j£#HJi££j£. King Woo might thus have addressed Fung; king Ching could not thus address him. We must believe that, while the duke of Chow spoke as the representative of the young emperor, his nephew, he addressed Fung f rom the stand-point

of his own relation to him. /J> i-, ^jj-,

—j> -jr is often used in the Shoo by emperors,

whether old or young, in mock humility, as a depreciatory designation of themselves. In the Great Announcement,' p. 7, we found it interpreted of the princes of States. Here it is spoken to Fung and not by him ; and we must take it as the language of kindly, brotherly feeling. Fung was younger than either king Woo, or

[ the duke of Chow; but we cannot suppose that he was under 70 when he was appointed to Wei. 3. B ^ ^ -§)],—these words form the text of the whole Charge. Ts'ae, in illustration of them, quotes from the jf^


With j|f t^j we may compare the

BA ft' Ifjk, Canon of Yaou, p. 2. The whole tenor of this Book, however, makes it more natural to understand the here of king

Wan's own virtue as seen in his administration of government. 4. J|£,—see 'The

Great Announcement,' p. 7; etal. ht

\%M M% 'Co-

sels of Yu,' p. 3. Jeff ~ 'to employ.' >lft = V&> to reverence.' J^, jjjft flft

M $=}n ^ m # Jii. m g m ir« m £ m ir & m

R is a consequence flowing from the virtues just described, = fjgj ^ jjfe R and

all that follows, down to (J^p ^j?, sets forth the further results of Wan's conduct thus acknowledged by the people.

the name of a small house.' Here it is employed to denote the original seat of the House of Chow, as but a small territory in the great empire. 0^p (ill —the old in

terpreters put a stop at 'j^p and read along with the clause that follows. I have followed Ts'ae in joining with He

saysi-n m ± Z A- 'I* Z #n ^,^Z $n 'tnee°pie °f ai1 the

west relied on him as a father, and looked up to him as to Heaven.' I think the rhythm of the clauses is thus preserved better, and there is no more difficulty in interpretirg than

there is if we join it to M. It is used for 'a covering for the head;' and generally as = 'to cover.' Willi's influence was like the gracious overshadowing of the firmament. T

F —we must understand the virtue or the fame of Witn as the subject of the verb

'fjl* 'God aI>ProvcuV Tll°

simple 'jjj* takes the place of I and

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brought under his improving influence, until throughout our western regions all placed in him their reliance. The fame of him ascended up to the High God, and God approved. Heaven gave a great charge to king Wan, to exterminate the great dynasty of Yin, and receive its great appointment, so that the various States belonging to it and their peoples were brought to an orderly condition. Then your unworthy elder brother exerted himself;—and so it is that you, Fung, the little one, are here in this eastern region.'"

II. "The king says, 'Oh! Fung, bear these things in mind. Now your management of the people will depend on your reverently

both those names are immediately exchanged for the vague designation of 'Heaven.'

$i"^i$L' <t0 exterminate-' ^C~^C'

U$ It is an exaggeration to speak of

Wan's influence as having thus extended over all the empire; but we cannot find much fault with it in the circumstances. ~pj ^jjf R,

tit, —those who understand the speaker to be king Woo find no difficulty in his thus speaking of himself as J|£ 2: R, 'your brother

of slender virtue.' See the use of $it as a designation of themselves by the princes of States in Mencius, L, Pt. I., iii., 1; et at. The language has been a stumblingblock, however, to those who maintain that it is employed of king Woo and not by him. Gan-kwo made

% 5t ^ Z JL 'our brother

whose match is rarely to be found.' But this is a very unlikely expansion of the phrase, and devised to get over the difficulty so strongly felt by a Chinese. I do not see any serious obstacle to our understanding it as in the translation. Why might not the duke of Chow, once at least in his life, speak thus of one brother to another? He had taken himself 1 a great part' in all the exploits of Woo; to speak of him was much the same as to speak of himself. .

We like him all the better for eschewing the ' native, and supposes that M; is a verb = Vol. ill. 4'J

flattering tongue. ?E i& j|£ i = #

not only east from Clang's capital, but it was the eastern part of the territory of which Wookang had been permitted to retain the sway.


K'ano Should Cultivate His Virtue, And Manifest It In The Administration Of His GOVERNMENT. 6. Fung should follow the

example of king Win; gather up lessons from the former kings and wise men of Yin; and from the

sage monarchs of remote antiquity. Jjl

==:,—it will be seen, from the translation,

that I understand a '/p before by which^l is governed. This is after the example of GankwO, Lin Che-k'e, Ts'ae, and others. Then, ^|

= JTjt, 'to transmit;' a = JjjJ, 'to put on,' = 'to carry into practice,'—as in 'The Charge to Yue/Pt.ii.,p.l2,|^7^ff| ft The

'Daily Explanation' has;— 4* fjC Vp

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following your father Wan ;—do you carry out his virtuous words which you have heard, and clothe yourself with them. Moreover, ■where you go, seek out extensively among the traces of the former ■wise kings of Yin what you may use in protecting and regulating their people. Again, you must more remotely study the old accomplished men of Shang, that you may establish your heart, and know how to instruct the people. Further still, you must seek out besides what is to be learned of the wise kings of antiquity, and employ it in the tranquillizing and protecting of the people. Finally, enlarge your thoughts to the comprehension of all Heavenly principles, and virtue will be richly displayed in your person, so that you will not render nugatory the king's charge.'"

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>Jc |x*>—Fung is here sent to the

earliest sages and monarch* of the empire,—
Yaou, Shun, and Yu. #|J ^
'you mu3t elsewhere enquire, that you may
learn from and follow.' fjj'^'ff-

—'t '8 n°t casy to say what is the meaning of -jp Lin Che-k'e

says:—'To the other injunctions is still subjoined this -J- Now means to widen and enlarge. The critic Se'C says, "Every man has his heavenly nature, which is in him as a fire that has just been kindled, or a spring which is just issuing forth. What is required is the widening and enlarging of it." This explanation is correct. Step by step the prince of K'ang is carried on to take his rule and pattern from Heaven, after ■ which there is nothing to be added.' I suppose this is the correct view. 1 Heaven' is used as the comprehensive designation of all true right principles. The translation has taken its form from the words of Woo

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