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seen immediately that there are strong grounds for believing that that paragraph is out of its place, and should be removed to the beginning of Bk. XIII., "The Announcement concerning Lo.'

Wang Pih observes that the Book might very

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well be named 康叔之命孟侯械; he is also called 才老) and other

or

之命 (from the occurrence of 孟侯 in the 2d par). Its name, however, is, and that has the sanction of Mencius, who makes express reference to it, in Bk. V., Pt. II., iv., 4. We have it even so designated thrice in 'The Great Learning:'-Comm. i., 1 ; ii., 2 ; ix., 2. This carries up very nearly to Confucius himself. If we affirm, as I think we must do, the opinion of the scholars of Sung, that the 1st paragraph does not belong to this Book but to Bk. XIII., we must say what they have not done,-what they would not have ventured to say, even if they had seen to what their argument would lead, that the great sage here made a mistake in compiling and arranging the tablets of the Shoo.

The Book is found in both the texts.

THE DATE OF THE ANNOUNCEMENT; AND ITS AUTHOR. The one of these points depends very much upon the other. The prefatory note says:King Ching, having smitten his uncles, the prince of Kwan and the prince of Ts'ae,

invested his uncle of K'ang with the rule of the remnant of Yin. With reference to this, there were made "The Announcement to Kang," "The Announcement about Wine," and "The Good Materials." According to this account, then, the appointment of the prince of K'ang, in connection with which this Charge was delivered to him, was made by king Ching, or rather by the duke of Chow, acting in the king's name. And it was not till the time of the Sung dynasty that this view was called in question. Sze-ma Ts'een repeatedly affirms it. He says:- Tan, the duke of Chow, having received the commands of king Ching, attacked and slew Wookăng, and then divided the territory of Yin into two parts, appointing the viscount of Wei to one of them, over the principality of Sung, and the prince of Kang to the other, over Wei'

(周公旦承成王 At

scholars came to the conclusion that the speaker

in the Book was king Woo, and not the duke of Chow. Choo He adopted their views, and was followed by his disciple Ts'ae Chin, who sets forth the grounds of them in the following way:

First, the prince of K'ang was king Ching's uncle, and could not be called by him 'younger brother,' as is the case in the par. 1. To the reply to this that the duke of Chow was really the speaker, and might so address Fung, he responds that the duke of Chow prefaced all the Charge with The king says,' and the words therefore should only be those appropriate to the lips of the king.

Second, if the Charge were given by the duke of Chow, how do we account for the fact that while there are many references in the Book to king Wăn, there is not one to king Woo? And the same question may be asked with reference to the two Books which follow. The words of par. 4-, have indeed been explained of king Woo, the duke of Chow so speaking of him. But if we suppose that Woo was the speaker, he might very well so describe himself. On the supposition that the duke of Chow was the speaker, the language is contrary to all rule and propriety.

Third, it has been urged that at the time of the overthrow of Shang, Fung was still young, and unfit to be entrusted with an important govt.; and hence that his appointment took place subsequently, under king Ching. But when king Woo obtained the empire, he was about 90 years old. The ten sons of king Wăn, so often referred to, were all by the same mother; Woo was the second of them :-could there be one among them, when Woo was ninety, too young to be entrusted with an important administration? This point is too clear to need to be fortified by other considerations

which Ts'ae has adduced.

It cannot be denied that there is much force in the two first of these points. We must assent

庚分殷地為二,一封微子 啟于宋一封康叔于微 See Maou K'e-ling, and also

also to Ts-ac's view of the age of the prince of

received an appointment on the conquest of Kang. He was no doubt old enough to have

the, and Shang. But other reasons might have prevent

微子世家).

1. More important still is the testimony given in the under the 4th year of duke Ting A-B.C. (定公四年 505), where it is said that after king Woo had overthrown the dynasty of Shang, king Ching settled the empire by means of the regent, the duke of Chow, and that the duke appointed his brother the prince of Kang over seven of the clans of the domain of Yin, with his seat of

government in its capital (封於殷墟).

This view, I have said, was current and uncontradicted for many centuries. Under the

ed his being invested with a principality which would take him from the imperial court. One such reason, quite sufficient, is suggested in the passage of the which has been referred to. It is there said, that, while the duke of Chow was prime minister under the new dynasty, the prince of Kang was minister of Crime;and this agrees with the prominent place which the subject of punishments occupies in our Book. The two other points, however, remain; the general style of the Announcement, and particular expressions in it. For many years, when reading the Shoo without thinking of such critical matters as are now in hand, and without regard to commentators, I got the

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越肇威寡○克丕子侯O 我造威庸不明顯封朕王 我顯庸敢德 其若

區民祗侮慎文弟日 邦夏用祗鰥 王乃小

2 I. "The king speaks to this effect:-'Head of the princes, 3 my younger brother, little one, Fung.' It was your greatly distinguished father, the king Wan, who was able to illustrate his 4 virtue and be careful in the use of punishments. He did not dare to show any contempt to the widower and widows. He employed the employable, and revered the reverend; he was terrible to those who needed to be awed :-so getting distinction among the people. It was thus he laid the first beginnings of the sway of our small portion of the Empire, and the one or two neighbouring countries were

as

impression that the speaker in the text must be king Woo;-see the note in 'The Great Learning,' Comm., Ch. i. But I now give in my adhesion to the older view. The authority of the, a old as the time of Confucius, and of the Preface, is not to be set aside. The at the beginning, and the throughout the paragraphs, assimilate the Book closely to the

others in which the duke of Chow is undoubtedly the speaker. It will be seen in the notes that some explanation can be given of the most difflcult expressions; and it is hardly competent for us to try the language of a man like the duke of Chow by our ideas of the way in which he ought to have spoken. Maou applies here, with considerable force, the saying of Mencius, that it is not every ordinary man who can understand the conduct of superior men

子所為眾人不識).

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It still remains to make a remark or two on THE FIRST PARAGRAPH. It speaks of the founding and completion of the city of Lo, which was one of the later labours of the duke of Chow, and is commonly referred to the 7th year of king Ching. As the scholars of Sung wished to make out that the Charge to the prince of Kang was delivered by king Woo, it was necessary they should remove from it this paragraph;-as was done by Soo Tung-po in the manner which I have related above. But while dissenting from their view of the early origin of the Charge, and not hampered therefore in that respect by the par., I must still maintain the correctness of Shih's decision regarding it. First, it is appropriate at the commencement of the Announcement concerning Lo;' while here it is altogether out of place. What had the building of Lo to do with the investiture of

Fung with the principality of Wei? In the
body of the Charge, moreover, there is not a
word having reference to Lo, or the reasons
which had led the duke of Chow to project the
establishment of that new city. Second, the
appointment of Fung was to Wei, and must
have been contemporaneous with the appoint-
ment of the viscount of Wei to the government
of Sung. It must have taken place in the 3d
the building of Lo.
or 4th year of king Ching, some years before

Gan-kwo felt these difficulties, and tried to meet them by supposing that some other noble or nobles had been appointed to rule the remnant of Yin,' during the years that elapsed between the suppression of Woo-kang's rebellion and the building of Lo; and that the result having proved unsatisfactory, the prince of K'ang was then called to the task. This supposition is without any historical ground of support; and Lin Che-k'e prefers the view of a scholar

Wang, (E), who supposed that Fung had been appointed to Wei immediately after the suppression of the rebellion, but that the Charge in this Book was not given to him till the time when Lo was built. But this solution is to the full as unsatisfactory as that of Gan-kwo. The knot cannot be loosed, it seems to me;-why should we hesitate to cut it, by removing the first par. from this Bk. to the 13th? We have seen, indeed, that but for the occurrence of the word 'announcement' in this par., the Book would hardly have been called by its present name; and yet that name was current in the time of Confucius. The sage himself perhaps misplaced the paragraph, or more probably left it, as he found it, in the wrong place. A Chinese critic would not allow this;-a foreign student may say it, when the weight of evidence seems to require him to do

So.

CONTENTS. The key-note of the whole Book the duke of Chow; but we cannot suppose that is in the clause he was under 70 when he was appointed to Wei.

the illustration of virtue and the careful use of punishments,' in the 3d paragraph. It has been divided into five chapters. The first three parr. (not including par. 1) celebrate the exhibition of

those two things, which was given by king Wan,

whereby he laid the foundations of the imperial

all his descendants. Parr. 5-7 inculcate on

3. 明德慎罰,−these words

illustration of them, quotes from the
form the text of the whole Charge. Ts'ae, in

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sway of his House, and afforded an example for 所以造周也明德務崇 Fung bow he should illustrate his virtue, as the 之謂也慎罰務之之謂

basis of his good govt. of the people intrusted

to him. Parr. 8-19, inculcate on him how he With we may compare the should be careful in the use of punishments,, Canon of Yaou, p. 2. The whole and set forth the happy effects that would ensue from his being so. Parr. 20-22 insist on the tenor of this Book, however, makes it more influence of virtue, as being superior in govt. natural to understand the here of king to that of punishments, and how punishments Wan's own virtue as seen in his administration should all be regulated by the ruler's virtue. The last chapter, parr. 23, 24, winds the subject -see 'The up with a reference to the uncertainty of the appointments of Heaven, and their dependance for permanence on the discharge of the duties

they require from those, on whom they have lighted.

P. 1. See on the 'Announcement concerning

Lŏ.'

Ch. I. Pp. 2-4. THE DUKE OF CHOW,

ADDRESSING FUNG AS HIS YOUNGER BROTHER,

SETS FORTH TO HIM THE ADMIRABLE QUALITIES
OF THEIR FATHER WAN.

2. 王若日

-see on the 1st par. of the 7th Book. The 'king' is king Ching.

of government. 4. 鰥寡

Great Announcement,' p. 7; et al.
侮鰥寡 the不虐無告, Couu-
sels of Yu,' p. 3. hf, to employ.'
庸=用,
祇敬 to reverence. 庸庸祇祇
威威用其所當用敬其
所當敬威其所當威顯

is a consequence flowing from the virtues

孟一長, the just described,故德著於民;and

eldest,' 'the first.' It is here = 'chief;' and

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all that follows, down to
the further results of Wan's

sets forth conduct thus

acknowledged by the people. 肇造 我區夏=始造我區域於 中夏 區者小室之名區

the name of a small house.' Here it is employed

to denote the original seat of the House of Chow, as but a small territory in the great

empire. 惟時怙冒the old in

terpreters put a stop at, and read

7274+; along with the clause that follows. I have

and K'ang-shing supposes that it is king Ching followed Ts'ae in joining with. He

who is thus addressed in the text. This is one

of the extravagances which we are surprised to says:-馨西土之人怙之如

find men like Keang Shing and Wang Ming

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shing adopting and defending at the present, the people of all the day. west relied on him as a father, and looked up to him as to Heaven.' I think the rhythm of the clauses is thus preserved better, and there is no more difficulty in interpreting than there is if we join it to. It is used for ‘a covering for the head;' and generally as='to cover.' Wan's influence was like the gracious

of his own relation to him.

-is often used in the Shoo by emperors, whether old or young, in mock humility, as a depreciatory designation of themselves. In the Great Announcement,' p. 7, we found it inter preted of the princes of States. Here it is spoken to Fung and not by him; and we must take it as the language of kindly, brotherly feeling. Fung was younger than either king Woo, or

overshadowing of the firmament. 聞于

-we must understand the virtue or the fame of Wan as the subject of the verb -God approved.' The takes the place of 上帝; and

H.

simple

5

封土小乃邦誕命帝時以 汝○子寡厥受文帝怙修 念王封兄民厥王休冒我 哉日在勖惟命殪天聞西 嗚兹肆時越戎乃于土

呼東汝彩厥殷大上惟

brought under his improving influence, until throughout our western regions all placed in him their reliance. The fame of him ascended up to the High God, and God approved. Heaven gave a great charge to king Wăn, to exterminate the great dynasty of Yin, and receive its great appointment, so that the various States belonging to it and their peoples were brought to an orderly condition. Then your unworthy elder brother exerted himself;-and so it is that you, Fung, the little one, are here in this eastern region.'

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II. "The king says, 'Oh! Fung, bear these things in mind. Now your management of the people will depend on your reverently

for the vague designation of Heaven.'

not only east from Ching's capital, but it was

both those names are immediately exchanged flattering tongue. 在東土得 殪-滅‘to exterminate.' 戎=大, Wei waa 以享爵位在此東方. ‘great.’ 厥邦厥民惟時叙= 萬邦萬民各得其理莫不 時叙. It is an exaggeration to speak of

Wan's influence as having thus extended over all the empire; but we cannot find much fault with it in the circumstances. 乃寡兄 勖−those who understand the speaker to be king Woo find no difficulty in his thus speaking of himself as 寡德之兄,‘your brother of slender virtue.' See the use of 寡人

as a

designation of themselves by the princes of

the eastern part of the territory of which Wookáng had been permitted to retain the sway. K'ANG SHOULD CULTIVATE HIS VIRTUE, AND

Ch. II. Pp.5-7. How THE PRINCE OF

MANIFEST IT IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF HIS
GOVERNMENT.

example of king Wan; gather up lessons from the
5. Fung should follow the
former kings and wise men of Yin ; and from the
sage monarchs of remote antiquity. 今民
將在袛乃文考紹聞衣
德言,it will be seen, from the translation,
that I understand a冶before 民 by which民

States in Mencius, I., Pt. I., iii., 1; et al. The is governed. This is after the example of Gan

language has been a stumblingblock, however, kwð, Lin Che-ke, Ts'ae, and others. Then, 道

to those who maintain that it is employed of

king Woo and not by him. Gan-kwomade =述, ‘to transmit;’衣=服, 'to put on,' = 寡兄to=寡有之兄our brother

whose match is rarely to be found.' But this

is a very unlikely expansion of the phrase, and devised to get over the difficulty so strongly

felt by a Chinese. I do not see any serious

obstacle to our understanding it as in the

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‘to carry into practice,'—— -as in 'The Charge to

Yuě,' Pt. ii., p. 12,諗乃言惟服. The

‘Daily Explanation’has:-今汝治民

將敬述文考之緒務取所

translation. Why might not the duke of Chow,聞之德言繼紹而服行之

once at least in his life, speak thus of one bro- 如衣之被身遵循勿替可

ther to another? He had taken himself a great

part' in all the exploits of Woo; to speak of 也 Keang Shing takes in the nomi

him was much the same as to speak of himself.

We like him all the better for eschewing the native, and supposes that 在 is a verb =視

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乃身不廢在王

别成汝哲往考將

王求 丕王敷紹在

天 用聞宅遠用求祇

王裕

心惟保于衣

知商又殷德乃

先訓民先言文

following your father Wăn;-do you carry out his virtuous words which you have heard, and clothe yourself with them. Moreover, where you go, seck out extensively among the traces of the former wise kings of Yin what you may use in protecting and regulating their people. Again, you must more remotely study the old accomplished men of Shang, that you may establish your heart, and know how to instruct the people. Further still, you must seek out besides what is to be learned of the wise kings of antiquity, and employ it in the tranquillizing and protecting of the people. Finally, enlarge your thoughts to the comprehension of all Heavenly principles, and virtue will be richly displayed in your person, so that you will not render nugatory the king's charge.''

*to regard,' 'to look at;’-compare its use in |別求至保民-Fungis here sent to the

the 'Canon of Shun,' p. 5. He also takes earliest sages and monarchs of the empire,—

as=

'you must elsewhere enquire, that you may

殷, the name of the dynasty. In this | Yaou, Shun, and Yu. 別求聞由way he makes the whole=今民將視 learn from and follow' 由-行 弘 汝之敬述乃文考文考 于天,云云,一it is not easy to say what 所聞殷之德言汝當以民 is the meaning of 弘于天Lin Che-ke 為念: This view is certainly no improve" | says: To the other injunctions is still subjoinment on the other. 往敷至义民 ed this 弘于天. Now 弘 一往=之國,‘when you go to your State;' and enlarge. The critic Sëě says, “Every man 敷求=廣求,(seek out extensively, has his heavenly nature, which is in him as a 汝不至知訓成人, comp. in the ‘Viscount of Wei' p. 5, 咈其者 長舊有位之人. The course of

thought in the paragraph, however, leads us to think of the old accomplished inen of a former time, such as E Yin and Foo Yue, by whom the best monarchs of the Shang dynasty had been

directed. 惟 is used as a verb, 鱼。 ‘to think of,'' to study.' 宅心=處心,‘to

means to widen

fire that has just been kindled, or a spring which is just issuing forth. What is required is the

is

widening and enlarging of it." This explanation correct. Step by step the prince of Kang is

carried on to take his rule and pattern from Heaven, after which there is nothing to be added.' I suppose this is the correct view. Heaven' is used as the comprehensive designation of all true right principles. The translation has taken its form from the words of Woo

settle your heart,'-to bring it to its proper Ching,-又當擴充其德與天

resting place. 知訓-知所以訓 民‘know how to instruct the people.'

為一若德足乎已則王之

命汝者永不廢矣

6. With

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