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II. Afterwards, upon the death of king Woo, the duke's elder brother, he of Kwan, and his younger brothers, spread a baseless rumour through the kingdom, saying, “The duke will do no good to the

• The analogy of the circle of religious notions PRAYER IN THE COFFER IS DISCOVERED, AND among the Chinese obliges us to adopt this conclusion, and, in par. 7, we have an express TEARS TIIE INJUSTICE OF HIS THOUGHTS, AND reference to the supreme disposing of God in RECEIVES THE DUKE BACK, WHILE HEAVEN AChuman affairs. Still it must be allowed that the doctrine of the former kings being only 12. The manner in which the duke of Chow was intercessors is not indicated in the text so brought into suspicion. The last par. closes with clearly as it might have been. In illustration the statement that the king suddenly recovered of this I shall quote the words of Ts'aou leo- the day after the duke's prayer. This opens with tseuen ; Ming dyn). He says:

a reference to his death. Five years have elapsed.

Woo died B.C., 1,115, and was succeeded by -- The earlier scholars were led, by the words -“ I have received a new appointment for him his son Sung (), whose reign dates from from the three kings," to doubt whether the B.C. 1,114, and who is known in history by duke's language (in p. 6)—“I have many abili, the title of Ching ties and arts which fit me to serve spiritual

the title of Ching (176), the Completer.'

f. beings,” really referred to Heaven. They rather Ching was only 13 years old, and the duke of thought it did not; but we must not thus Chow acted as regent of the empire. It was pertinaciously insist upon particular expres

natural he should do so, for he was the ablest sions. Anciently, when sovereigns sacrificed of all the sons of Wăn, and had been devotedly to Heaven and Earth, they associated their attached to his brother Woo, whose chief adviser ancestors as assessors and sharers at the cere- he had been, and was without the shadow of mony; when they prayed for anything to disloyal feeling. The accession of dignity and Heaven and Earth, they depended on the effica- influence which he now received, however, moved cious spirituality of their ancestors to present his elder brother Seen, and some of his other and second their request.

Heaven was the brothers to envy, and they had come to be most honourable, and they did not dare to engaged in a treasonable conspiracy against the approach it abruptly; their ancestors were the

throne. We have seen how Woo, after the nearest to them, and they could, through the death of the tyrant Show, pardoned his son, kindness between them, make their thoughts generally known by the name of Woo-kang known . is should not sny klatretie wordson. whave (T)

, and continued him in Yin to main received a new appointment from the three guard against the very probable contingency

tain the sacrifices to the kings of his line. To kings,” are equivalent to “ I have received a new

of his rebellion, however, he placed three of his appointment for him from Heaven"

own brothers in the State along with him, with 因新命 I en EE Ź the title of 'Inspectors' or 'Overseers’ E 能多材多藝以服事鬼神監), who should overave both him and the old 3



ministers of Show. Those overseers were Sëen, # B spinto it this known as Kwan Shuh, older than the duke of

" ##1# He w Chow; Too (DE), known as Tsae Shuh cabinet

人君 祖考享其有 TFF #C (). inmediately younger than the duke; and 亦必藉祖宗之靈以為| Chiro(處), known as Hoh Shuh (霍叔),the

, R X 2,7 教唐

eighth of Wăn's sons. Perhaps Sëen thought

that on the death of Woo the regency, if not it MEN AT B the throne, should have devolved upon himself.

. W

Mencius ascribes the appointment of him as over也,謂新命于三王,即初受

I di seer of Yin to the duke of Chow (see Men., II., 命于天,可也)

Pt. II., ix.), as, no doubt, it was made by Woo



on his advice. This may have exasperated him Ch. II. Pp. 12–19. AFTER THE DEATH OF the more against Tari who had thus shelred him, KING Woo THE DUKE OF CHOW FALLS UNDER he would think, away from the court. However

it was induced, soon after the death of Woo, TWO YEARS PASS BY, AND THEN HEAVEN INTER- those three brothers entered into a conspiracy POSES TO BRING HIS INNOCENCE TO LIGHT; THE with Woo-kang to throw off the yoke of the



E the Zi

。 0人年0我無弗日告 on EJE O TO 3 于則東周處先以辟我三 TE JEDI . 我二


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13 king's young son.". Upon this the duke of Chow represented to the

two dukes, saying, “If I do not take the law to these men, I shall

not be able to make my report to our former kings.” 14 He resided accordingly in the east for two years, when the

new dynasty, and as a preliminary step, they The duke of Chow, on being aware of the endeavoured, in the manner indicated in the insinuations circulated against him, resolved to text, to stir up division between the regent and meet them with promptitude. He owed a duty his nephew.

to the former kings and to the dynasty, and phone -Kwan was the naine of a city and whatever the young king might think, he would

act at once against the rebellious and the dis. territory,—the pres. sub. dep. of Ch'ing ( loyal.

14. Justice done on the criminals. The different 914), in the dep. of K'ae-fung, Ho-nan. It views that are taken of the last paragraph formed the appanage of Söen, the third of Wăn's necessarily affect the interpretation of this.

Acc. to Gan-kwó, the duke spent two years in sons. I suppose that to was originally merely the east, operating against Woo-king and the indicative of Sëen's place in the line of his false brothers, and at the end of that time he brothers (see on Con. Ana., XVIII., xi.); but it had got them into his hands, and dealt with has come to be joined with so that Kwăn

them according to his views of their several shuh is now in effect simply a historical name.

guilt. Ying-tă says:-Eif(this has already 韋弟一the younger brothers' were To and been explained by 東征之)二年,則 Ch'oo, as has been detailed above. 流言,罪人於此皆得調獲三叔 -- set words flowing,' = spread a baseless ru- #K'ang-shing on the other

不利於孺子-will not be

hand says:一居東者,出處東國 F, of

待罪以須君之察已 course, the young emperor is meant. 13.

sided in the east means that he left the court The resolution of the duke. # Ź I hit and dwelt in an eastern State, allowing the -ever since the Han dynasty the meaning of charge of guilt till the king should have examin

ed into it.' The language so far will certainly fit here has been debated. Gan-kwă, reading admit of this interpretation, but what he says the term peih, according to its proper enuncia- on the next clause is too ridiculous. It is :tion, defined it by it, and explained the text

and explained the text |罪人周公之屬黨與知 by 我不以法法三叔,則我攝者周公出皆奔今二年 以法

我,奔, 無以成周道,告我先王,一 盡為成王所得謂之罪人,史 in the translation. K‘ang-shing, on the other hand read bf as , and with the meaning of partizans of the duke of Chow and his acquain

til E, 'The criminals are the that term, so that the text='If I do not get out tances while he held the regency. When he of the way,-leave my dignities, and retire from withdrew from the court, they fled; but now in court, I shall not be able,' &c., &c. The editors the two years they were all apprehended by of Yung-ching's Shoo do not give a decided king Ching. The historian calls them criminals, opinion on either side. Ts-ae has followed writing from the king's point of view.' Even K'ang-shing, but his master Choo He wavered Keang Shing does not venture to adopt this between the two views, approving now the one, interpretation, but supposes the meaning to be and now the other. Maou K'e-ling has a long that the duke, while in the east, came to know Tuote on the subject, in his

for who the criminals were that had slandered him. Bk. III., recanting his early opinion in tavour I have said that the phrase E I will itself of K'ang-shing's view, and giving eight reasons admit of the interpretation put on it by K'angfor adopting in preference that of Gan-kwo. shing; but Maou Ke-ling has shown, that if Some of them are sufficiently forcible. I have we do not understand it as Gan-kw does, of the no hesitation in differing on this point from the duke's operating in the eåst against his rebelgenerally approved interpretation sanctioned lious brothers, there is no other place in that by Ts'ae.

direction from the court, to which his sojourn.

advantageous to the child: By I 7 0 1# JE ZRE, " He re

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代周啟王木電大亦王後 武公金與斯以熟未名公

以 所滕大拔風未敢之乃 自之夫邦不積請日為

討 以書盡人盡天公瞧詩 為乃大厦大0以

房弃偃 鴻 公功得以恐大雷秋王船

大雷 秋


15 criminals were got and brought to justice. Afterwards he made a

poein to present to the king, and called it “The Owl.” The king on

his part did not dare to blame the duke. 16

In the autumn, when the grain was abundant and ripe, but before it was reaped, Heaven sent a great storm of thunder and lightning, along with wind, by which the grain was all beaten down, and great trees torn up. The people were greatly terrified; and the king and

; great officers, all in their caps of state, proceeded to open the metal- . bound coffer, and examine the writings, when they found the words of the duke of Chow when he took on himselt the business of taking ing for so long a time can be assigned with any had reference, would not find the difficulty in degree of probability. 15. The duke sends understanding it which we do. 王亦 u poem to the king to clear himself, but is only partially. successful. The poem here referred to #ta 2-a is now superseded by

未敢公一韵 is in the She King, Part I., Bk. XV., Ode ii. It begins :

; it means 'to reprove,' 'to blame.” The Oowl, Dowl、

clause is understood to intimate that though You have taken my young ones :

the king now partially understood the motives Do not also destroy my nest.

of the duke's conduct, and could not blame him I loved them; I laboured for then);

for the way in which he had dealt with his I nourished them.--How am I to be pitied.' other uncles, he still looked on him with some

degree of suspicion. The received interpretation of it is that it was composed by the duke after he had crushed the duke's innocence to light by means of the prayer in

Pp. 16–18. Fleaven interposes to bring the insurrectionary movements in Yin, and put to death Woo-king and Kwan-shul, By the

the metal-bound coffer.

16. 秋 , -we may owl' is intended Woo-kăng; and by the suppose this was the autumn of the the third nest,' the dynasty of Chow. The writer meant that king Ching should understand by it the year of Ching,—-B.c. 1,112. 雷電以 devotion which he felt to the imperial House, JE,-Lin Che-k'e brings out the yll by and the sorrow which the stern justice he had been obliged to execute upon his brother occa expanding :-* L *1

:忽雷電大作,又 -shing it, in accordance with his interpretation of the Ź WE as in the translation. The 9 HF in the last par., and supposed paraphrase of the Daily Explanation' is similar. that the duke intended by it to expostulate

王與至之書,一the with the king on the persecution of his friends skin cap,' worn in court at audiences. It is which he had instituted. But we cannot believe generally said that the king was going to dithat he would have thus addressed the king as vine that he might discover the reason of the an Owl.' There is nothing in the poem or unusual storm, and therefore opened the coffer ode, which readily suggests the interpretation which contained the oracles of divination. But to be put upon it; but there is perhaps something we saw, on p. ll, that it is not certain those in what Choo He says, that readers at the tiine, oracles were kept in that coffer. Possibly it all-excited by the circumstances to which it was a repository of important archives, which

was a

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天 國之及公執信乃

, 執信
乃 家德知勤書唸問

德 筆




則 0
。 熟所壶王新彰冲穆言事。


17 the place of king Woo. The king and the two dukes asked the

granel historian and all the other officers about the thing. They re

plied, “Ah! it was really thus; but the duke charged us that we should 18 not presume to speak about it.” The king held the writing, and

wept, saying, “We need not now go on reverently to divine. Formerly the duke was thus earnest for the royal House, but I, being a child, did not know it. Now Heaven has moved its terrors to display the virtue of the duke of Chow. That I meet him a new

man, is what the rules of propriety of our empire require.” 19 The king then went out to the borders, when Heaven sent down

rain ; and by virtue of a contrary wind, the grain all rose up. The two dukes gave orders to the people to take up all the large trees which had fallen, and replace them. The year then turned out

very fruitful.

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were consulted on great emergencies of the State. 7 yip 1,-see on "The Pwan17. Bil ñ .-these were all hang,

' Pt. iii., p. ?. Here king Ching was really

予沖人, ;the officers who had assisted the duke when he

a youtlı. 惟胖小子其新逆 made his prayer, &c.

一道-迎, to meet. Ma Yung read WL Ying-ta says:一

一隨心不平之聲喧 is a sound expressive of dissatisfaction of mind.

instead of 新 so that the meaning is—"That Gan-kwò calls it PR They were vexed certainly gives a good meaning ; and Ts-ae and

I go out and meet him in person,' &r. This at being thus obliged to tell what the duke had Këang Shing both adopt it. Gan-kw; and charged them to keep secret. Keang Sling | K‘ang-shing, however, both understand XT reads , which he explains in a similar way. in the translation. The language of the latter

18. 其勿穆卜-今觀公:新迎,政先時之心,更自 書, 書可知天變之所由我君新以迎周公. This in rather harshi,

W is

but it is more difficult to get a tolerable mean臣不必更穆下矣;

see the

ing out of many other passages of the Shoo.


P. 19. The duke is received buck, and Heaven | sacrifice to Heaven was offered, and thought signifies its approbation. I l 33,-it that the going forth was to offer a sacrifice of is most natural to understand this going forth thanksgiving to Heaven for his deliverance to the suburbs with reference to the king's from the unjust suspicions which he had har. purpose indicated in the } ] F## bourgede says that after reading this paragraph

. Uh of the last par. Gan-kwó, however, takes it is impossible to doubt the doctrine of “veri

of the place, outside the city, where the great fications,' laid down in the · Plan!'

[I may here, in the vacant space of this page, 則後面能不能事鬼神 introduce Wang Pih’s chapter on the line

全無意味矣,如乃命 in his · Doubts about the Shoo.' His views are questionable, but the student will be glad to have a complete specimen of the style and man. ner of his Work.一此書敘事體也,與

元 武成同,武成是敘伐商

吉者, 事始末此篇是東征前後 是

言, 論而參以龜 事,歷六七年始末詳略


果吉 中有筆力 焉 納册啟書,此

“小子新命于三王 金滕之首尾也,其敘事不 ,其

以身代王,王 可不詳,其 敘流 流言居東止 命也,惟亦終是圖者

圖 五十 簡潔 潔詳明,

但為考終之計茲所 折柳 折

王必不忘於一 後來

王也,王疼而 , 此武成先列四 四警而

公之心, 不從公 武事 終,金

在公則當 侯命 始 請誌

已,我之弗辟 是作 也,其 /

讀周公以公 未一者:

竊心征謎之事,固 意責字,


願非知公者,二穆下只 代中間

義,於敬字為近,初不帐培 王有任保護不 子之責于





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