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IT. Afterwards, upon the death of king Woo, the dukes elder brother, he of Kwan, and his younger brothers, spread a baseless rumour through the kingdom, saying, "The duke will do no good to the O Ol||0^

Tlie analogy of tlie circle of religious notions among the Chinese obliges us to adopt this conclusion, and, in par. 7, we hare an express reference to the supreme disposing of God in human affairs. Still it must be allowed that the doctrine of the former kings being only intercessors is not indicated in the text so clearly as it might have lieen. In illustration of this I shall quote the words of Ts'aou lleo

tsenen ( ^ ;Ming dyn). He says:

—'The earlier scholars were led, by the words —"I have received a new appointment for him from the three kings," to doubt whether the duke's language (in p. fi)—" I have many abilities and arts which fit me to serve spiritual beings," really referred to Heaven. They rather thought it did not; hut we must not thus pertinaciously insist upon particular expressions. Anciently, when sovereigns sacrificed to Heaven and Earth, they associated their ancestors as assessors and sharers at the ceremony; when they prayed for anything to Heaven and Earth, they depended on the efficacious spirituality of their nncestors to present and second their request. Heaven was the most honourable, and they did not dare to approach it abruptly; their ancestors were the nearest to them, and they could, through the kindness between them, make their thoughts known to them. There is no reason why we should not say that the words, "I have received a new appointment from the three kings," are equivalent to "I have received a new

appointment for him from Heaven "' (.JQ 'fUj

Ch. II. l'p. 12—19. After The Death Of



12. The mminer in tchich the duke of Choic teat brought into suspicion. The last par. closes with the statement that the king suddenly recovered the day after the duke's prayer. This opens with a reference to his death. Five years have elapsed. Woo died B.C., 1,115, and was succeeded by

his son Sung (jjfjjj), whose reign dates from B.C. 1,114, and who is known in history by the title of Ching (jffc), 'the Completer.' Ching was only 13 years old, and the duke of Chow acted as regent of the empire. It was natural he should do so, for he was the ablest of all the sons of Wan, and had been devotedly attached to his brother Woo, whose chief adviser he had been, and was without the shadow of disloyal feeling. The accession of dignity and influence which he now received, however, moved his elder brother Seen, and some of his other brothers to envy, and they had come to be engaged in a treasonable conspiracy against the throne. We have seen how Woo, after the death of the tyrant Show, pardoned his son, generally known by the name of Woo-kang

(jg^ and continued him in Yin to main

tain the sacrifices to the kings of his line. To guard against the very probable contingency of his rebellion, however, he placed three of his own brothers in the State along with him, with

the title of 'Inspectors' or 'Overseers'

K£), who should overawe both him and the old tat"

ministers of Show. Those overseers were Seen, known as Kwan Shuh, older than the duke of

Chow; Too (^)> known as Ts'ae Shuh (^S

jj^ij). immediately younger than the duke; and

Ch'oo(J^), known as Hoh Shuh C^3^t), the eighth of Wan's sons. Perhaps Seen thought that on the death of Woo the regency, if not the throne, should have devolved upon himself. Mencius ascribes the appointment of him as overseer of Yin to the duke of Chow (sec Men., II., Pt. II., ix.), as, no doubt, it was made by Woo on his advice. This may have exasperated him the more against Tar. who had thus she/red him, he would think, away from the court. However it was induced, soon after the death of Woo, those three brothers entered into a conspiracy with Woo-kang to throw off the yoke of the

king's young son." Upon this the duke of Chow represented to the two dukes, saying, "If I do not take the law to these men, I shall not be able to make my report to our former kings."

He resided accordingly in the east for two years, when the

The duke of Chow, on being aware of the insinuations circulated against him, resolved to meet them with promptitude. He owed a duty to the former kings and to the dynasty, and whatever the young king might think, he would act at once against the rebellious and the disloyal.

14. Justice done on the ' criminals. The different views that are taken of the last paragraph necessarily affect the interpretation of this. Acc. to Gan-kwo, the duke spent two years in the east, operating against Woo-kang and the false brothers, and at the end of that time be had got them into his hands, and dealt with them according to his views of their several

guilt. Ying-ta says:—'E (this has already been explained by j|f |j£ ^) CC. J|lJ

Ik. |ftK'ang-shing on the other hand says:-^ A ft )g

sic led in the east " means that he left the court and dwelt in an eastern State, allowing the charge of guilt till the king should have examined into it.' The language so far will certainly admit of this interpretation, but what he says on the next clause is too ridiculous. It is:—

at £J- h, 'The criminals are the partizans of the duke of Chow and his acquaintances while he held the regency. When he withdrew from the court, they fled; but now in the two years they were all apprehended by king Ching. The historian calls them criminals, writing from^the king's point of view.' Even Kcang Shing does not venture to adopt this interpretation, but suppose the meaning to be that the duke, while in the east, came to know who the criminals were that had slandered him.

I have said that the phrase J||l will itself

admit of the interpretation put on it by K'angshing; but Maou K e-ling has shown, that if we do not understand it as Gan-kwo does, of the duke's operating in the east against his rebellious brothers, there is no other place in that direction from the court, to which his sojourn

new dynasty, and as a preliminary step, they endeavoured, in the manner indicated in the text, to stir up division between the regent and his nephew.

—Kwan was the name of a city and

territory,—the pres. sub. dep. of Ch'ing

Th)) in the dep. of K'ae-fung, Ho-nan. It formed the appanage of Seen, the third of Wfin's sons. I suppose that Act was originally merely indicative of Sccn's place in the line of his brothers (see on Con. Ana., NEIL, xi.); but it has come to be joined with tr, so that Kwanshuh is now in effect simply a historical name. m, —' the younger brothers' were Too and

Ch'oo, as has been detailed above. ~ ,

—'set words flowing,'= spread a baseless rumour. ^\ >^|J jtfe "i'1 not be advantageous to the child.' By -^r-, of course, the young emperor is meant. 13. The resolution of the duke. a £ JKfc —ever since the Han dynasty the meaning of here has been debated. Gan-kwo, reading the term peih, according to its proper enunciation, defined it by and explained the text

in the translation. K'ang-shing, on the other hand read (r? as and with the meaning of that term, so that the text =' If I do not get out of the way,—leave my dignities, and retire from court,—I shall not be able,' &c, &c. The editors of Yung-ching's Shoo do not give a decided opinion on either side. Ts'ae has followed K'ang-shing, but his master Choo He wavered between the two views, approving now the one, and now the other. Maou K'e-ling has a long

note on the subject, in his tit ^£ j^f- £|J>, Bk. M., recanting his early opinion in favour of K'ang-shing's view, and giving eight reasons for adopting in preference that of Gan-kwfi. Some of them are sufficiently forcible. I have no hesitation in differing on this point from the generally approved interpretation sanctioned by Ts'ae.

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criminals were got and brought to justice. Afterwards he made a poem to present to the king, and called it "The Owl." The king on his part did not dare to blame the duke.

In the autumn, when the grain was abundant and ripe, but before it was reaped, Heaven sent a great storm of thunder and lightning, along with wind, by which the grain was all beaten down, and great trees torn up. The people were greatly terrified; and the king and great officers, all in their caps of state, proceeded to open the metalbound coffer, and examine the writings, when they found the words of the duke of Chow when he took on himself the business of taking

ing for so long a time can be assigned with any degree of probability. 15. The duke sends

a poem to the, king to clear himself, but is only partially, successful. The poem here referred to is in the She King, Part L, Bk. XV., Ode ii. It begins:—

'O owl, O owl,

You have taken my young ones:

Do not also destroy my nest.

I loved them ; 1 laboured for them;

I nourished them.—How am I to be pitied.'

The received interpretation of it is that it W as composed by the duke after he had crashed the insurrectionary movements in Yin, and put to death Woo-kftng and Kwan-shuh. By the 'owl' is intended Woo-kftng; and by the 'nest,' the dynasty of Chow. The writer meant that king Ching should understand by it the devotion which he felt to the imperial Rome, and the sorrow which the stern justice he had been obliged to execute upon his brother occasioned him. K'ang-shing took a difft. view of it, in accordance with his interpretation of

in the last par., and supposed

that the duke intended by it to expostulate with the king on the persecution of his friends which he had instituted. But we cannot believe that he would have thus addressed the king as an 'Owl.' There is nothing in the poem or ode, which readily suggests the interpretation to be put upon it; but there is perhaps something in what Choo He says, that readers at the time, all-excited by the circumstances to which it

had reference, would not find the difficulty in understanding it which we do.

3$ fit — nff U now superseded by gjfe; it means 'to reprove,' 'to blame.' The clause is understood to intimate that though the king now partially understood the motives of the duke's conduct, and could not blame him for the way in which he had dealt with his other uncles, he still looked on him with some degree of suspicion.

Pp. 16—-18. Heaven interposes to bring the duke's innocence to light by means vj the prayer in

the metal-bound coffer. 16. —we may

suppose this was the autumn of the the third year of Ching,—B.C. 1,112. ^ ^ M, —Lin Che-k'e brings out the pd Jjjl^ by expanding:-^ fa fj ^ £ ft, %

tit ^ J^t aB tnc transiatlou- The paraphrase of the 'Daily Explanation' is similar.

I M W 2: #~'_the # was 0 'skin cap,' worn in court at audiences. It is generally said that the king was going to divine that he might discover the reason of the unusual storm, and therefore opened the coffer which contained the oracles of divination. But we saw, on p. 11, that it is not certain those oracles were kept in that coffer. Possibly it was a repository of important archives, which

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17 the place of king Woo. The king and the two dukes asked the grand historian and all the other officers about the thing. They replied, "All! it was really thus; but the duke charged us that we should

18 not presume to speak about it." The king held the writing, and wept, saving, "We need not noio go on reverently to divine. Formerly the duke was thus earnest for the royal House, but I, being a child, did not know it. Now Heaven has moved its terrors to display the virtue of the duke of Chow. That I meet him a new man, is what the rules of propriety of our empire require."

19 The king then went out to the borders, when Heaven sent down rain; and by virtue of a contrary wind, the grain all rose up. The two dukes gave orders to the people to take up all the large trees which had fallen, and replace them. The year then turned out very fruitful.

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charged them to keep secret. Keang Sliing | K'ang-shing, however, both understand jffj us reads f=t, which he explains in a similar way. | in the translation. The language of the latter

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