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do not become matured; the operations of government are dark and unwise; heroic men are reduced to obscurity; and in the families of the people there is no repose.
"The common people are like the stars. Some stars love the wind, and some love the rain. The course of the sun and moon give winter and summer. The course of the moon among the stars gives wind and rain.
office. In regard to the last clause, I prefer the view which is given in the translation.
[Gaubil has here the following note :—' There is supposed here a mutual correspondence between the ordinary events of the life of men, especially of kings and grandees, and the constitution of the air; but instead of adopting the false ideas which the viscount of Ke may have had on that subject we may reflect on what has been thought about it in Europe, and on what many people still think and say of a culpable and dangerous character. It appears that the Chinese have admitted a homogeneous matter in all bodies; that they have admitted a soul subsisting after the destruction of the body; that they have admitted spirits, and one spiritual Being, Master of heaven, of earth, and of men. But they have been bad physicists, and have troubled themselves little with metaphysics or with logic. They have not thought too much (?) of examining the grounds of their reasoning on the nature of beings; and they have in no way fathomed the question of the union of the bout with the body, nor that of the operations of the soul.'
There is no danger of our adopting the notions of the viscount of Ke on the correspondence between the weather and the characters of men. A great service would be done by the Sinologue, who should take up 'the Great Plan,' and produce a commentary on it for Chinese readers, clearly and minutely unfolding the errors on the constitution of nature and the course of providence of which it is full. From this ground we might go on to shake the stronghold of their confidence in all the ancient teachings and the wisdom of their so-called sages.]
P. 38. The people should examine the stars. H¥ JjJ jftf: ,—Medhurst translates this— 'The common people are like the stars,' and Gaubil. in the same way,—'Les e'toiles repre'senteut les people*.' This also is the view of Ts'ae,
2: JlS ^P" ifc- But this would make
the paragraph of a different character entirely from those immediately preceding. The text is evidently analogous with the clauses of
par. 35, and the which we must understand there of the Mg and ^3", we
must understand here also after ff R.
'The people should examine the stars.' But nothing is said of 'verifications' in connection with the stars and the people;—what was to result from the examination of the stars ?' The people,' says Woo Ch'ing, 'would know when it was summer, and when it was winter, when they might expect wind, and when they might expect rain. Knowing these things they could carry on their labours and take their precautionary measures accordingly.' We thus find a meaning in the paragraph, though of a different kind from what the preceding paragraphs would lead us to look for. On the view of the first clause, taken by Ts'ae and the commentators generally, the whole paragraph appears equally out of place, and no reasonable meaning can be given to it. The constellation ffi".—the hand of Sagittarius—is
said to bring wind, and S, or Hyades, to bring rain. Ts'ae goes at great length into the courses of the sun and moon, but all according to the accounts of the astronomers of the Han dynasty. The text specifies no stars from which we might determine the place of the sun in the heavens at the solstices or equinoxes, when the Book was made.
- m 0 = a
B ft =
[ix]. "Ninth, of the five happinesses.—The first is long life; the second is riches; the third is soundness of body and serenity of mind; the fourth is the love of virtue ; the fifth is an end crowning the life. As to the six extremities again, the first is misfortune, shortening the life; the second is sickness; the third is sorrow; the fourth is poverty; the fifth is wickedness; the sixth is weakness."
according to the rank and station. Lin Che-k'o says, 'a sufficiency for food and clothing is
^j§^-' jj£ ■=' freedom from sickness,'
i.e., good health,—according to Gan-kwd. Modern critics extend the meaning, as in the trans
lation.-^$f ffi ifcltf #HM£^fj§' 'when virtue is what is loved.' The meaning, says Lin Che-k'e, is a natural disposition tending to the love of virtue rather than of pleasures and other lower things.
^7 'an'—^■a'ae explain8 tn'8 by the words of Mencius, VII., Pt. I, ii. 1, J|Jg ^ H 'submissively receiving all the will of
Heaven.' is generally explained here by
40, Iast^'-S = ='exhaustion,' 'being brought to extremity.' It denotes the opposite of jjjg. |2<J 4g tyx is literally
'disastrous short breaking.' The meaning is
Pp. 39, 40. Of the Jive happinesses and six extremities. It is said, in p. 4, that 'a hortatory use is to be made of the five happinesses,' and 'an awing use of the six extremities.' It is not easy to see how this division enters into the scheme of the Great Plan. Tsang Kung
says:—'The nine divisions all describe the course of the sovereign. The happinesses and extremities are conditions by which the sovereign examines his own attainments and defects in reference to the people, That these happinesses should be among the people, is what the sovereign should aim after; and the extremities' being among them is what he should be standing in awe of;'—see the Hoo Wei, on the other hand, says:—'The five conditions of happiness and six conditions of suffering, are by the doing of Heaven, and not from any arrangements of men. We have it said in the division on Royal Perfection, "He concentrates in himself the five happinesses, and then diffuses them so as to give them to his people ;"—we have therefore in this place only | the names of the happinesses and their opposites, j and nothing about their use' ( jJT jjfjj ^fa,
39. gg.,—'longevity;' without specifying any number of years. Gan-kw6 says it means 120 years; but this is absurd. A man dying over 50 is spoken of by the Chinese as not having a short life. 60 and upwards is reckoned longevity. Ts'ae says that with long life all the other happinesses can be enjoyed, and therefore it occupies the first place among them. ,—' riches;' probably meaning a competency
as the body. J2L means probably boldness in what is evil, and weakness in what is good. The viscount of Ke was not so successful in enumerating the'extremities,' as with the 'happinesses.'
[Gaubil, in a concluding note, thinks it not unlikely that, the viscount of he wished to speak of the 'Book of L6,' and under pretence of explaining this enigma, 'has given very excellent instructions on the duties which princes and subjects ought to observe.' I am unable to agree with the learned Jesuit. The Great Plan is little less of an enigma than the Book
of LS. It is full of perplexities and absurdities. There are some right principles of niornls and government in it, but after hearing it all, king Woo must have been more in the dark than when he went to the viscont at tirst with the remark that he did not know how the virtues in men's various relations should be brought forth in their proper order.]
I append here a scheme of the whole Plan, modified from that which is given among the cuts in Yung-ching's Shoo :—
I After the conquest of Shang, the way being open to the nine wild and the eight savage tribes, the people of the western tribe of Leu sent in as tribute some of their hounds, on which the Greatguardian made "The Hounds of Leu," by way of instruction to the
The Name Of The Book.—jf^j- a, 'The Hounds of Leu.' The 37th note of the Preface, on the subject of this Hook, .-ays that the ' western Leu' made an offering of some of their hounds' ([ffij Jjjj: f^). Leu, therefore, is to be looked for in the west. It was the name of one of the rude tribes, lying in thatquarter, beyond the 'nine provinces' of the empire. fj*£ is the name of a kind of hound. It was, acc. to the p[J !Jjjf:, '4 feet—ancient feet, that is—high.' The ^ describes it as ' knowing the mind of man, and capable of being employed' \ ft pf ffi
From an instance of its use, quoted in the from Kung-yang, it was evidently a
blood-hound. The critics generally understand the term in the text in the singular;—I know not why. There is nothing in the Book, and no ancient references to it, which should make us do so. We more naturally take it in the plural, and it seems to me more likely that several hounds, and not one only, would be sent to king Woo.
This is one of the Books found only in Gankwd's text. K'ang-sbing and Ma Yung had not seen it, and they have strangely mistaken the
meaning of the prefatory note. says
K'ang-shing, 'is read like seat. The rude tribes
of the west had no princes, but gave the title
of jjfj to the strong among them, who
governed them for the time. The people of the tribe sent at this time the principal man of their chiefs, to present himself at the court of
Chow;'—see the jet, in toe. But this
view carries its own refutation on the face of it. The words of the prefatory note are that 'the western Leu presented—as an offering,
expressive of their subjection—their To suppose that their chief was thus made an article of tribute is absurd. Ch'ing's paraphrase
quite inadmissible. The signification of as
=' hound' is not to be disturbed. The Book belongs to the division of ' Instructions.'
Contents. The Lea people having sent some of their hounds to king Woo, and he having received them, or intimated that he would do so, the Great-guardian remonstrated with him, showing that to receive such animals would be contrary to precedent, would be dangerous to the virtue of the sovereign, and was not the way to deal with outlying tribes and nations.
The reader will think that the Book is much ado about a very small matter, and in truth it is so. It receives an interest, however, when
He said, "Oh ! the intelligent kings have paid careful attention to their virtue, and the wild tribes on every side have willingly acknowledged subjection to them. The nearer and the more remote have all made offerings of the productions of their countries;—
we see in it a specimen of the feeling and procedure by which the rulers of China have all along sought to regulate their intercourse with foreign nations. 'When the sovereign does not look on foreign things as precious, foreigners will come to him :'—this language is a good exponent of the normal Chinese policy. A selfcomplacent assumption of superiority—superiority both in wisdom and in power—has always been displayed. I have read references to the steam-engine with its various applications, from men versed in all the learning of China, as if it were nothing more than a toy, to be thought of just as the duke of Shaou thought of the hounds of Leu. Statesmen and people are now, in this nineteenth century, having a rude awakening from their dream.
P. 1. The occasion on which the Book was made. This par. might have had a place in the Preface, and Ts'ae calls it 'the proper preface
of the Hounds of Leu' Ma ^ 2:
J?*)" 'Hii 5tl on t,ie c°n<iue8t of
Shang.' The 'Daily Explanation 1 expands the
iii) ^ ^ The 'General History'
refers the tribute of the hounds to the 14th year of king Woo, B.c. 1,120. t^M. M.'f'
•fa J^ —by the 'nine E and eight
Man,' we are to understand the barbarous tribes generally,—expressed in the Can. of Shun, p.
Ifi, by the phrase and by j^j in
the ' Completion of the War,' p. 6. See also on the 'Tribute of Yu,' Pt. ii., p. 22. The difft, rude tribes round about the nine provinces of the empire are variously enumerated. Here
we have the '9 and 8 ;' in the Lc Ke, Bk. XIV., ^ 'jg" -fjjr, p. 3, we have the '9
f^l' 8 fit-' 6 2& and 5 %K '•' in tho Chow Le, Bk, XXXIII., j| % W] ,t§, % 0
3av ~}]f%.<v- '>We 1,ave t,,e 4 ffe' $1$, 7 f|^, 9 5 and 6 $£;' in the
fifr, ~]\, we have 'the '9 ||
The numbers are not to be pressed, and we must be content with finding a statement in
the text, that the wild tribes all around came or sent to the court of king Woo ;—acknowledging his supremacy. Ts'ae says that we are not to understand from that king Woo
used any efforts to open roads to the barbarous regions beyond the limits of the empire proper; —it was his virtue and fame which drew them, and they came, 'climbing the hills as if they had been ladders, and in boats across the sea.' It certainly would not have been discreditable to king Woo to have good roads made throughout all his dominions; and in the passage of the
referred to above, evidently modelled on this part of the Shoo, the opening of the thoroughfares is described as his work:—^fjl
the same phrase occurs in the Tribute of Yu, Pt. i., p. 52. The force of Jjff passes on to the next character, and indicates that what it says took effect. A —it is not said anywhere in the Book who the Great-guardian was; but since the commentary of Gan-kwo, the prevailing opinion has been that he was Shih, the duke of Shaou. See on the name of Bk. XII. He was Great-guardian under Woo's successor; and it is supposed—with probability —that he held the office also under Woo.
Pp. 2—10. The Address Of The GreatGuardian TO KINO WOO AGAINST RECEIVING The Hounds. Pp. 2, 8. The precedent of
former wise kings in receiving articles of tribute, and the use which they made of them. 2.
'|Sj|. the language here is to be
taken historically. Medhurst and Gaubil both miss this point, and render—'When an intelligent prince is careful in the cultivation of his virtue,' &c. The guardian is giving not merely the lesson of duty, but of duty illustrated by example. The 'Daily Explana
tion' has it:-g # Bjj ^ £
# ^ fi• :zr :zr ^ We'the careful
cultivation of virtue,' is said to be the hinge on which the whole of the address moves. H/