תמונות בעמוד

£ ^ 3E ± SUlk ±. 1^ « T 3E H A T o *

empire was not collected under his rule, and it fell to me, who am but a little child, to carry out his will.

Detesting the crimes of Shang, I announced to great Heaven and the sovereign Earth, to the famous hill and the great river, by which 1 passed, saying, 'I, Fa, the principled, king of Chow, by a long descent, am about to have a great righting with Shang. Show, the king of Shang, is without principle, cruel and destructive to the creatures of Heaven, injurious and tyrannical to the multitudes of the people, chief of the vagabonds of the empire,

—there is much difficulty in giving any appropriate meaning to Jg^. It has been defined by

g|, and ^ ||5(. The last is given

in the 'Daily Explanation;' the 'detesting' in the translation is as allowable, and that is all

that can be said for it. j|S ■f",

—comp. what was said on the phrase jfjjj in Bk. I., Pt. i., p. 3. This is the only place in the Shoo where the combination Jjjjj -^-* occurs.

Ying-til understands, I think correctly, by

mount Hwa, and the Ho by ^£

Critics generally take |Jj and J|| in the plural.

We must understand, of course, that Woo made his announcement to the spirits of Heaven, Earth,

the mountain, and the river. ^*

take ^ and ^ % as in ap

position. Such is the view of Ying-ta, who observes that Woo, in asking the help of the spirits, and speaking of himself in contrast with Show would not affect a false humility. Ts'ae and others say that by 'the principled' Woo refers to his forefathers, and construe the phrase

as under the regimen of -J^, which means literally 'great-grandson.' J^J ^£ |fljj,— Ts'ae supposes that Jf^ ^ is au interpolation, —which seems very likely. ^£ \}~,

comp. the use of j£ in the 'Speech of T'ang,'

[In the 'Doctrine of the Mean,' xviii., 3, it I is said that 'the duke of Chow completed the' virtuous course of Wan and Wroo,' and that he carried up the title of king to T'ae and Ke, and sacrificed to all the former dukes above them with the imperial ceremonies.' As it was thus the duke of Chow who carried up the title of king to Tan-foo and Ke-leih, completing what Woo had left undone, it has been asked how we find those titles here in the mouth of king Woo. I apprehend that the merit of the duke of Chow was in extending the practice of honouring an- i cestors, beyond the circle of the imperial family, j to 'the princes, the great officers the scholars, and the common people.' King Woo no doubt took counsel on the subject with his brother , the duke of Chow. Perhaps it was by his advice that he did it; but there can be no doubt that lie had conferred the titles mentioned in the I text. The thing is commemorated in the Le

Ke, the Bk. jjfc, p. 2. I give the whole paragraph here, because it gives a strong confirmation not only to this par., but also to the two preceding ones.-J^ £ g^, j£ J £ ^

& £ * i a i «. £

Pp. (!—8. He relates the prayer which he addressed to the spirits of Heaven and Earth, of mount Hwa and the Ho, in contemplation of the engagement with Siow. 6. ||p-'

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who collect about him as fish in the deep, and beasts in the prairie. I, who am but a little child, having obtained the help of virtuous men, presume reverently to comply with the will of God, to make an end of his disorderly ways. The great and flowery region, and the wild tribes of the south and north, equally follow and consent 7 with me. Reverently obeying the determinate counsel of Heaven, I pursue my punitive work to the east, to give tranquillity to its

—^ = $t, 'to destroy utterly' ^ fjjftj, take ^ here in the sense of 'to follow,'

'the creatures of Heaven ;'' including men,' says so that the clause = ' all follow one another to

follow me.' Gan-kwG would put a comma at and taking 'fjj) in its common signification

of 'l^f, join it to the next clause. This has in

its favour, that the |SjJ in next par. stands more naturally at its commencement than as we read it at present. The rhythm of the style, however, requires that we join q and

[In the k f|S -tl ^> we flnd:El '^'ie ^uotat'on '8 important, not

Lin Che-k'e, 'but they are further specified, because of their greater importance.'

—the paraphrase ot this in the 'Daily hxplana

criminals and vagabonds of the empire ought to be taken off and rooted out, to secure the repose of the good, but show receives and maintains them, and is their chief, so that the officers do not dare to apprehend them. They are as fish collected in the deep waters, and as beasts gathered together in the forests and thickets.'

^'b-^WcMi^ A>-we lmve

seen the references made by Woo in the 'Great Speech,' Ft. ii., 9, et al., to his 'virtuous men.' We may compare with the sentiment here that ,

of T'ang in his'Announcement,'p, 4., where he ! JjLadduced, b* }t ZzJl

° ini I There are important alterations in the struc

says that before taking his measures against | tUre, the philosopher not directly quoting, but Kef, he 'sought for the great sage, with whom | using the passage so as to suit his purpose.

Gan-kwo puts all the verbs in the past tense, saying that the description is of what took

only as guaranteeing so much of the prayer, but also as showing that the pruyer was a part of the address which king Woo made to the princes. It is on this that Maou K'e-ling mainly relies in protesting against the way in which Choo He and others propose to break up and re-arrange the paragraphs of this Book.)

7. See the manner in which this paragraph

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men and women. Its men and women bring their baskets full of azure and yellow silks, to show forth the virtue of us the kings of Cliow. Heaven's favours stir them up, so that they come with their allegiance to our great State of Chow. And now, ye spirits, grant me your aid, that I may relieve the millions of the people, and nothing turn out to your shame!"

III. On the day mow-woo the army crossed the ford of Mang; on the day kwei-hae it was drawn up in array in the borders of

offerings brought in baskets. jj^ ^ffe

—' displaying our kings of Chow.' Some

say that azure and yellow are the colours of heaven and earth respectively, and that the object of bringing such fabrics was to show that the kings of Chow were as good and beneficent as Heaven and earth. It is not necessary to seek for such a recondite meaning. The bringing of the baskets was an expression of allegiance, and an acknowledgment of the virtues

of the House of Chow. g, JSj'-I

take here=Q, as we saw that Kcang

Shing proposed to do in the last Book, p. 6.

8- M^i JW"—sn'"ts arc ''ios° °f

Heaven and earth, of the mountain and the river. The conclusion is sufficiently bold. Woo must have felt sure that his enterprise was right, and in accordance with the supreme mind and will.

Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, p. .r>5) has translated the par... —'Only may you shins be enabled to assist me in settling the millions of the people, and do not bring disgrace on your shin-ships.' He observes upon it, that 'the form of expression would intimate that there was some power above the shins invoked, and that it was possible they might be unable to grant the needful assistance.' There is no such indication in the form of the expression as he

supposes. |pj Tjjf ^J' —p» is not—' may you

be enabled to assist me,' but 'grant me, I pray you, your help.' The pj^ denotes an efficacy in the spirits themselves, and gives emphasis, as we have often seen to be its force, to the

word that follows, so that A ||f TM 'help

me indeed.' It is remarkable how, in the course of the prayer, reference is expressly made both to 'God' and to ' Heaven,' as supreme. Why was it not addressed directly to God? There are both imperfect monotheism and polytheism in it. God is recognized as supreme, and at the same time other spirits are recognized, who would give effect to His will, and might be prayed to for that purpose. As WToo addressed his army in the grey dawn of the day at Muh, we may say that he had but the grey dawn of religious knowledge in his mind.

I will not add anything here to what I quoted from Ying-ta in the introductory note on the abruptness and seeming incompleteness with which the prayer terminates. It would have been better if there had been some additional expression of Woo's own feelings and purposes, and some inculcation of duties on the princes. It may Be that a portion of the Book has been lost; or it may be that we do have all which Woo was pleased to say.

Ch. III. Pp. 9, 10. The Battle Of Muti,


Wt & ^ m & & ^.-omp. the 'Great Speech,' Ft. i., p. 1. On this same day he delivered the address recorded in that Part.

Vk'M rf Ta ^ -kwei-hae was the 3rd of the 2d month, five day s after mowwoo. From Mfing-tsin to Show's capital was 400 le, so that Woo must have hurried on his army

with great speed. (t ^ a- ' the favourable decree' of Heaven was to be seen in the result of the impending battle, about which Woo felt quite confident. Gan-kwo says that this clause has reference to the ceasing of the rains which had fallen all the way from Mangtsin, so that they were able during the night to complete the order of battle. This view is at

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Shang, waiting for the gracious decision of Heaven. On the day kea-tsze, at early dawn, Show led forward his hosts like a forest, and assembled them in the wilderness of Muh. But they would offer no opposition to our army. Those in the front inverted their spears, and attacked those behind them, till they fled, and the blood flowed till it floated the pestles about. Thus did king Woo once don his arms, and the empire was greatly settled. He overthrew the existing government of Shang, and made it resume its old course. He delivered the count of Ke from prison, and raised a tumulus over the grave of Pe-kan. He bowed in his carriage at the gate of

once far-fetched and shallow. f|3 -jp gt gt,- see the 'Speech at Muh,' p. 1. ft Jjjj:

3? #' T" 4fc g^'-se« the Slle Ki"S

pt. m., Bk. L Ode ii, 7, jgg j^j ;£ Jg,

Treen says that Show's army amounted to 700,000 men, which is doubtless a great exaggeration. ^ -J~ g j}j,—the historian

identifies himself with Woo's army. Yd

— ^J>> 'to flee-' Ts'een gives a difft. account of the battle. At least he makes no mention of Show's troops falling upon one another, but says that 'Woo sent his general Shang-foo, with a hundred of the most daring warriors, to dash forward at the head of a large body. Show's army .had no mind to fight, but really wished king Woo to penetrate their host. They therefore inverted their lances, and made way for his men. They in fact all revolted from Show, who fled at once to the "Stag tower."1 This account is not reconcileable, however, with the statement which follows about 'the blood flowing till it floated the pestles of the mortars.'

The remarks of Mencius on the passage—Jig.

ill ~¥f" are weI1 knmvn- IIe a»estg (VII. Pt. II, iii.) that the 'Completion of the War' contained such a passage, but protests against

believing it.—' When the prince the most benevolent was engaged against him who was the most the opposite, how could such a thing be?' It gives, no doubt, an exaggerated description

of the slaughter which took place, it means the wooden pestles of the mortars, which the soldiers carried with them to prepare their rice. We need not suppose, as some do (see a note in the ^ by ^ that they were

the pestles used for pounding the earth in making the intrenchments. Maou K'e-ling prefers the reading of , 'shields,' for it.

Mei Tsuh (-j'Jj ^iS) would save the credit of Mencius at the expense of the classic. If, he argues, it had appeared, as in the present text, that the slaughter was occasioned by Show's troops turning against one another, there would have been no occasion for the philosopher's remark. The forger of Tsin evidently constructed his text that king Woo might not appear chargeable with the bloodshedding, which Mencius supposed might be attributed to him! It is much more natural to believe that Mencius, in the impulse of his ardent nature, spoke as he

did,—unadvisedly. ■ —'once he

put on his martial garb.' See in the 'Doctrine of the Mean,' xviii, 2. Comp. also on

turned back the govt, of Shang,' i.e., he took away the oppressive laws of Show, and then— EH "ifj 'fo"owcu the old govt.' i.e^ the

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Shang Yung's village. He dispersed the treasures of Luh-t'ae, and distributed the grain of Keu-k'eaou, thus conferring great gifts throughout the empire, and all the people joyfully submitted.

He arranged the orders of nobility into five, assigning the territories to them on a threefold scale. He gave offices only to the worthy, and employments only to the able. He attached great importance to the people's being taught the duties of the five relations of society, and to take care for food, for funeral ceremonies, and for sacrifices. He showed the reality of his truthfulness, and proved clearly his righteousness. He honoured virtue, and rewarded merit. Then he had only to let his robes fall down, and fold his hands, and the empire was orderly ruled.

govt, of T'ang and the other good sovereigns
who succeeded him. j|Sp ^J"
J;Jj -J"" jgL—see the concluding note to the

• Viscount of Wei." j£ $f ^ Bf],-^,
see Con. Ana.. X., xvi., 3. Sluing Yung must
have been some worthy in disgrace with Show,
and living retired in his village. Ying-tfi quotes
some account of him from Hwang-p'oo Meih's
^£ jjp g^, but it is the production of a
later age. ^ £| ft £ ft,
ipfe JR, —of the 'Stag tower' we have
spoken. Keu-k'eaou was in the north east of
the pres. dis. of Keuh-chow ( jtjj Jjjjj), dep. of
Kwang-p'ing (T). Chih-le, where Show
had collected great stores of grain. These two
measures were directed to the benefit of the
masses of the people, impoverished by the exac-
tions of the tyrant.

•—this agrees with the account of the arrange-
ment of dignities and emoluments determined
by the House of Chow, given by Mencius, Book
V., Pt. II., ii. The orders of nobility were the
Kung. How, Pih, Tsze and Nan, to the two first
of which were assigned a hundred If square of
territory, each, while the Hilt had 70, and the
Tsze aud the Nau only 50 /. square each. Yen

Jo-keu absurdly says that this is different from
the account of Mencius. It is different, how-
ever, from the account which we find in the
Chow Le, Bk. IX., (jfe ft, ^ -rt)
There the orders of nobility are five, as in Men
cius, but the divisions of territory are also five.
To the Kung, it is said, there were assigned 5(10
If square; to the How, 400; to the Pill, 300; to
the Tsze, 200 ; and to the Nan. 100. I don't see
how the two accounts are to be reconciled. If
it be said that the five-fold territorial division
was made by the duke of Chow at a subsequent
period, which is the view of K'ang-shing, why
did not Mencius advert to it? If it be said,
that the larger dimensions arose from the usur-
pations of the States among themselves, which
is the view of Ying-ta, how is it that they have
any place in the Chow Le? 'jEj 'j'-^

till —the historian proceeds to Woo's provisions for the officers about his court. His object was to have none in office but men of talents and virtue, and that each mail's duties should be those for which he was specially able.

SRi ft

Gan-kwo explained the former of these clauses
by inserting an Qi£ between |jl and
—' he attached importance to the people, and to
the inculcation of the five duties.' This is not
so good as to take N to he under the regimen

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