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is uncontested; and only 8 have been entirely, the princes had long been followers of the Chiefs lost. I have said that we might have expected of Chow. The battle of Ming-t'eaou was fought that the Books of Chow would be more numerous by the people of Pð, while at Măng-tsin there than those of Shang; but we could not have was a grand assemblage of the princes with expected that so much larger a proportion of their hosts. With such differences of circumthem should escape the various dangers to which stances, we should expect differences of style and all were equally exposed.

As to what is said of Chow's being The name of the Book - the

, "The worse than Këč, and the language being more

ornate, these things are accounted for by the Great Declaration.' eti 'great.' difference of time. Even allowing that the King Woo, having at last taken the field against style was somewhat modified and improved, Chow, makes three speeches to his officers and

when the document made its reappearance, we men, expounding the grounds of his enterprise, may well believe that it gives us the views of urging them to play the man with him in the king Woo.' cause of humanity and Heaven. Those are CONTENTS. These may be stated in the brought together, and constitute one grand language with which Le-ts'ëang concludes his whole, — The great Declaration.'

observations. In the first Part, king Woo adTHE DIFFERENT TEXTS OF THE Book. This dresses himself to the princes and others of subject has been treated of in the prolegomena; inferior rank; in the second, to the hosts of the and I will content myself here with giving the princes; and in the third, to his officers. The summary of the discussions that have been ruling idea in the first is the duty of the soveraised upon it, which is quoted in the in front

reigri,---what he ought to be and do; with this

it begins and ends. There is not the same 綱目 通鑑前編

from Kin Le-ts'ëang's T SE ISIS the continuity of thought in the second, but the merely interjecting a remark or two, where his

will and purpose of Heaven is the principal statements can be fairly called in question. thing insisted on. The last Part shows the The text preferred by keang Shing and other difference between the good sovereign and the modern scholars will also be found, with a

bad, and touches on the consent that there is translation of it, in an appendix to the Book.

between Heaven and men. The Book is brilLe-ts'ëang says :- The Shoo of Fuk-shang liantly composed, and far transcends the powers did not contain the “Great Declaration." » [But of any man of a later age to have made it.' see the first Book of Maou K'e-ling's Wrongs of

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST Part. At a great the old Text of the Shoo.' The Great Declara- assemblage of the princes, king Woo sets before tion’ was in the Books of Fuh-shang.] “It was

them the reasons of his proceeding against in the "Old Text,” found in the wall of Confu- | Chow-sin. Starting from the position that the cius' house; but as the commentary of Kung sovereign is ordained by God for the good of Gan-kwo was not entered in the imperial col

the people, he shows how the king of Shang lege during the Han dynasty, lis edition of it acted only to the injury of the people. King did not then become current. Chang Pa (CE

Wån would have punished him if he had lived,

but now the duty was devolved upon himself, Mj) then fraudulently made a “Great Declara- and with their help he would proceed to obey

the requirement of Heaven. They need have tion,” in threc Parts, which became current, no fears as to the issue. Favoured by God and and contained the passage about "a white tish men, the expedition could not but be crowned entering king Woo's ship,” &c., which is found with success. There are eleven paragraphs in Chung-shoo (Tipu Si F-) and Sze-ma Ts'cen.' which are so connected as to form only one [This passage is found in those writers, and

chapter. also in Fuh-shang's Introduction to the Shoo.

Par. 1. The time, place, and occasion of the There is no necessity to say that the “Great Declaration. The time was the spring of the 13th Declaration,' current during the Han dynasty, year; but it is hardly possible to place beyond was forged by Chang Pa.] ”But in the time of dispute the prior date from which we are to the Eastern Han, Ma Yung and other scholars calculate this 13th year. In the first place, the became aware that this was not the genuine docu- Preface assigns the time to the 13th year (note ment; and it fell into general discredit, when the 32); and there is no way that can be admitted * Old Text" made its appearance at the com

of reconciling the two accounts. The general mencement of the Eastern Tsin dynasty. Re

view is that the 11 in the preface is a mistake cently, however, this same Old Text has come

for 13, but Lin Che-k'e takes the opposite view,

and contends that the 13 in the text should be to be suspected by the scholar Woo (11. FE). 11.

In the second place, admitting the text “Its language,” he says, “is vehement and to be correct, we find that the standard or comarrogant, not to be compared with that of the mion chronology reckons from the 1st year of Declaration of Tang. As the document appear- | king Woo's accession to the principality of ed so late, we may suppose that the whole of it Chow, which it places in B.c. 1133. This view is not the original text.”

is ably argued by Ts'ae Ch'in in loc. On the • In my opinion, the conduct and langnage of other hand, Gan-kwò said that the 13th year Trang and Woo were equally responsive to was to be reckoned from king Wăn's receiving Heaven and accordant with men. They differed (as indicated by circumstances) the appointbecause the circumstances of the men differed. ment of Heaven to the sovereignty of the Trang was the founder of the fortunes of liis empire. He is supposed to have then changed House; Woo entered into an inheritance which the style of his reign, -to have begun it afresh was already flourishing. Tang's enterprise com- with a new “first year.' Nine years then elapsmenced when nen were beginning to look to ed, and his work was not completed ;-the Shang ; Woo's was undertaken when many of tyrant was still upon the throne, and Wan


H E 物 FEITO 父后元聰之人父地 0 母。作后,明靈萬丹萬惟品

萬 EX,

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3 “Heaven and Earth is the parent of all creatures; and of all

creatures man is the most highly endowed. The sincere, intelligent, and perspicacious among men becomes the great sovereign; and died. Two years more passed by the period | -Woo is here styled 'king,' or emperor, by of mourning for him; and then king Woo took | anticipation. Had he been defeated, he would the field, but it was not till the year after, the have been a rebel;' but as his enterprise was 4th year of his reign, that the contest between crowned with success, from the moment he him and Chow-sin was decided. This view is began to operate against Chow-sin, he was the strongly advocated by Maou K'e-ling, against sovereign of China, and the other was ouly .a Ts'ae and others, in the third Book of his solitary fellow' (18 * ; Pt. III., 4). 我 尚書廣聽錄 But the various

# ##-Y'ing-tă says,

一同志為 data on which it is endeavoured to decide the question are by no means certain ;-see a note ter they were 友, as having the same mind in the H H XL , on the date of and aim with him. 歷代統紀表

' 7 is literally king Woo's birth, under 1.c. 1168. I must for highest rulers,' or 'great rulers.' The Daily the present suspend the expression of any Explanation’ explains the phrase by-* opinion of my own on the point. A controversy, nearly as perplexing, is waged Ź #, which I have followed in the

by where we should hardly think there was room for any translation. 越我御事庶士,一

observed (on The Instructions of E Pt. 1, p. 1-1, "and;' TEJ- É or 'to pre

“' i.) tal that while the Hea dyn. began the year with side over," "to manage. Tp- - $ the 1st month of spring (the month ), the Shang began it with the last month of winter

*, 'managers of affairs.' The Daily Ex(the month TŁ). The Chow dynasty removed planation' would include the soldiers among the commencement of the year farther back the I as well as the officers, – still, and made it begin with the second month but it is better not to extend the meaning of the of winter (the month 7). Ts'ae and a host of tern so far in this passage. Medhurst strangely followers say that by the spring' is intended the and quite erroneously translates to the PL

PLEJ months of the Hea year; and this appears rea- by—it has fallen to me to manage these sonable, for however different dynasties might begin their year in different months, they could affairs.' The address begins with the not change the order of the seasons. The exclamation which ordinarily precedes these

spring' of Chow was the same as that of Hea; military speeches. and if we suppose, as is most natural, that the historian is speaking in the text with reference Earth, because of his virtues, for the good of the

3. The sovereign is ordained by Heaven and to the Chow year, then the month intended by people. Compare the ‘Announcement of the spring ''must be the first month of that T'ang,' p. 2. What to be remarked here is season. Gan-kwo, however, understands the

the style of speaking which is new, and places month intended to be the first of the Chow year, · Heaven and Earth’in the place of Heaven' and Maou K'e-ling supports his view. This simply, or 'God.' Woo does not always employ question will come up again in the course of this style. In this same Part he employs both this and the two next Books.

the terms which I have mentioned. There can The place where the declaration was made be no doubt that the deification of Jleaven and was Măng-tsin, or at the .Ford of Măng :'-see Earth,' which appears in the text, took its rise the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii., p. 7. There was there from the Yih King, of which king Wăn may a great assembly of all the princes who already properly be regarded as the author. No one acknowledged the supremacy of Chow, and were

who reads what Wån says on the first and confederate with Woo to make an end of the second diagrams, and the further explanations ty cant. Gan-kwð says they were the princes of of his son Tan (the duke of Chow), can be surthe two thirds of the empire, who had followed prised to find king Woo speaking as he does in the banner of king Wan (Ana., VIII., XX., 4), and the chiefs of many of the wild tribes ;

the text. 惟人萬物之靈, it is along with tlieir various hosts.

man who is the most intelligent of all creatures.' P. 2. Opening of the address, IE, By # # in the first clause we understand



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0 弗

毒災 敬 以破宮人人行下上王

宮 行上王

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4 the great sovereign is the parent of the people. But now,

Show, the king of Shang, does not reverence Heaven above, and 5 inflicts calamities on the people below. He has been abandoned to

drunkenness, and reckless in lust. He has dared to exercise cruel
oppression. Along with criminals he has punished all their relatives.
He has put men into office on the hereditary principle. He has
made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, embankments,
ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful injury of you,
all things,' inanimate as well as animate ; in | Show, which Ts'ae says was 'the name of Chow.'
the second clause we must contine the meaning Chow is his epithet in history, conferred upon
to animate creatures. The various tribes of him for his cruelty and wickedness ;-see the
animals have their several measures of intelli- Dict. on the character (殘忍損義日
gence, but all are very inferior to men.
Then, as men are superior to other creatures, *). Lin Che-k'e says that it

was inter-
there appear among them those who are superior
to their fellows ;-the sages, who are raised up changed with from the similarity of the two
by Heaven, and become the rulers, teachers, characters in sound, but he must be wrong, be-
parents, in fact-of the mass. Ch'in King says

cause Show is here used by king Woo before on this:

-Man is one among all creatures, Other creatures, however, get but a portion of the tyrant's death, 上天下民-I the energizing element of nature, while he think these phrases may best be taken as in the receives it complete:--it is this which makes

translation, the nature of man more intelligent and capable

5. 沈酒一

-comp. v png

. 沈酗 than that of other creatures. But though men 于酒 in The Viscount of Wei, p. 1. 冒 are endowed with this capacity and intelligence, there are those who are not able to preserve 1-7 is 'to go forward with the eyes and maintain it, and there must be the quick- covered," =' to pursue blindly and recklessly.' apprehending and understanding ruler to be a parent to them. In this way the people are 色一女色 罪人以族-he áble all to complete their intelligence. The crimed men according to their relationships.' sage possesses before me that of which I have the meaning is as in the translation. The the seeds in common with himself;

and among intelligent beings he is the most intelligent Daily Explanation' has :- JH FU (也 人者萬物之一也,物得氣不但誅其一身,并其族隔,

并屬 之偏人得氣之全此人性」而刑戮之 Mencius pointait out a one

, 所以獨處於物,然人雖有f the glories of king Wan's administration of 物人


Kóe, that the wives and children of criminals 此處有不能 能保此 ,必

were not involved in their guit?(罪人不 得聰明之君

theme; Bk. I., Pt. II., v. 3,) It was one of the 民始得以各全其靈聖人pinciples of Shun that punishments should not

# 1 W Tin be extended to the offender's children (Counsels

of the Great Yu, p. 11.) We have seen Yu's son, 靈之靈者耳

(The Speech at Kan, p. 5) and even Tang, (The Pp. 4, 5. How Chow had forfeited all his title Speech of Tang; p. 4) menacing their troops

with the death of their children, if they did not to the empire, and king Wăn had been charged to

do their duty. That may have been a measure punish him. 4. 1 E -I have of war; and Chow carried it into all the penal hitherto called the tyrant of Slang by the administration of his govt. To what extent

the punishment of relations was carried by name of Chow (**t), after Sze- ma 'Tereen and Chow, we do not learn from the text. GariMencius. Here and elsewhere he appears as kwở supposes that the parents, brothers,

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商家發、O威文天姓殘 發 0

姓 惟君以肆意


震 易 受觀爾予勳肅怒孕象于

政 政发小未將命婦忠爾 有于郭子集天我皇良萬 有

the myriad people. He has burned and roasted the loyal and good. He has ripped up pregnant women.

Great Heaven was moved with indignation, and charged my deceased father Wăn reverently

to display its majesty ; but he died before the work was coinpleted. 6 “On this account I, Fă, who am but a little child, have by means of you, the hereditary rulers of my friendly States

, contemplated the government of Shang; but Show has no repentant wives and children, Et all suffered | Meika of the Tsin dyn, says that he also caused

Pe-kaui's wife be with the offender. 官人以世, count to that effect, however, is known. King che officed men according to their generation,

Woo is no doubt rehearsing things which were or genealogical connection. The Daily Ex: cominonly charged upon the tyrant at the time. planation' makes the meaning to be that Chow 皇天一

,-see on the · Announcement of put into office all the friends of his favourites.

Tang,' p. 2. 一其用人,則不論賢但其

命我文考一考 is the

name for a father deceased. King Woo speaks z prep ## Ft in this way of his father having been charged

to punish Chow, to vindicate all the better his 屬悉寵任之 LTE Ź. But this view of own present course. We are not to suppose

that any such commission was ever expressly It is unwarrantable. Mencius, in the passage given to Wán; and Confucius speaks of him as above referred to, says that king Wăn salaried having been faithful to the dyn, of Shang to the the descendants of meritorious officers. But last ;-see Ana., VIII., xx., 4. tho'such men might be salaried, they were called

大動未 to office only when they had the virtue and #-tuh #nt. We must complete ability necessary for its duties. Chow did not look out for able and good men to fill the offices the meaning by adding in fly, as in the transof the State. This is the burden of this part of lation. the indictment against him. 惟宮室 P. 6. The task of punishing Chow being now

devolved on him, he sets forth the evidence of his WE='he only cared for. - hopeless wickedness.

肆。故 therefore. 所務者惟在宮室,云云: The

以爾于商一觀政 is ext * defines by . The former term plained by a reference to the same phrase in the is the building as a whole ; , the apartments of the States were to Woo an index of the govt.

Both possessed pure Virtue,' p. 10. The princes in it. Le Seun says:- is a high terrace of of Chow: Had they remained loyal to him,

that would have shown that his govt. was good. earth, made for the purpose of observation; As they were now in the mass revolted from when a house or houses are built on the top of him, and following Woo's banner, it was clear it, they are called B3 HBr .

is the explanation of this passage by Tsóae, and 侈靡諸事, all extravagances;服 | what is

what is now commonly received ; and I see no

better course than to acquiesce in it. Gan-kwo # * * .-this refers to the and the earlier scholars explained it with re: punishment of Roasting, described in the his- ference to an assembly, which they imagined, of

Woo and the princes at the ford of Tsin, two torical note on the 'Conquest of Le.' years before the period of this Declaration. 孕婦一 ;-we saw how Chow caused the Then he had thoughts of attacking Chow, but

on contemplating his govt,, concluded that the heart of Pe-kan to be cut out;-Hwang-poo time was not yet come, and withdrew his troops.

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吾 敢 取方克之悔。有能廟帝心 有不 有相君民于弗神乃

君、 民 虫 神 越罪上作天有凶禍夷 天

祇 厥無帝之佑命盜犧遺居 志罪寵師下乃牲厥弗

予 該惟民懲日桑先事

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heart. He abides squatting on his heels, not serving God or the spirits of heaven and earth, neglecting also the temple of his ancestors, and not sacrificing in it. The victims and the vessels of millet all become the prey of wicked robbers; and still he says,

“The people are mine: the decree is mine,' never trying to correct his 7 contemptuous mind. Now Heaven, to protect the inferior people,

made for them rulers, and made for them instructors, that they might be able to be aiding to God, and secure the tranquillity of the four quarters of the empire. In regard to who are criminals and who are not, how dare I give any allowance to my own wishes? Such a meeting is not properly substantiated; | whole, however, the gradation of thought in the and the view is otherwise liable to many objec- passage may determine the scale in favour of tions. 夷居,一compare 夷侯, Con, the former view, 犧牲染盛,于 Ana., XIV., xlvi. 弗事上帝神因盗一犧牲 see the last Book, p. 6; 祇遺厥先宗廟弗起一Tsae | 盛 sco Men I. Pt. I in 3;既一盡

弗起盛 se II after Gan-kwó, gives for this E it's corresponds with the words of the Grand Tutor

, 百神宗廟之‘he has discontinue in the par of the Viscount of Wei just referred ed the sacrifices,—to God, the hundred spirits, to. 有民有命,coup. the Conand the spirits of his ancestors.' Ying-tă observes that the meaning is that Chow had no


quest of Le,' p. 5. religion, rendered no service to spiritual being | 有懲戒其侮慢之意 (不事神祇); God, as the highest of all

P. 7. He returns to the principles declared in such beings, being mentioned, to show the par. 3, and shows that he was constrained by them enormity of his wickedness. In this way a dis

to attack Chow. See this par. as it is quoted

by Mencius, I., Bk. II., iii., 7. The difference tinction is made between E and Tihti Tilt: between the text here, and that which he gives the latter phrase being synonymous with the present text of the Shoo was forged from

is very considerable. We cannot suppose that Tih. On the other hand, the Daily Explana- Mencius. A plagiarist, attempting such an

imposition as is ascribed to the false Kóung,' tion,' for # El Till Tilt has–Z would have taken the language exactly from

his . 慢天地神祇不知奉事 19 F Will Titř kn , he had a copy of the Great Declaration before

' slights and contemns the spirits of Heaven and him, differing not a little from the present, or Earth, and renders not service to them.' This that he quoted from memory, and allowed would confound God with the spirits of Heaven himself great license in altering the classic. and Earth, which is by no means inconceivable in Woo, when we consider the language of p. 3.

ME KEY+1,--to show favour and Compare also the language of parr. 3 and 4 in tranquillize the four quarters of the empire.' the * Announcement of Tang.' Upon the 子敢有越厥志-我何敢

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