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is uncontested; and only 8 have been entirely lost. I have said that we might have expected that the Books of Chow would be more numerous than those of Shang; but we could not have expected that so much larger a proportion of them should escape the various dangers to which all were equally exposed.

The Name Of Iiik Book.—5fe 'The

•■IT t=a

Great Declaration.' = 'great.'

King Woo, having at last taken the field against Chow, makes three speeches to his officers and men, expounding the grounds of his enterprise, urging them to play the man with him in the cause of humanity and Heaven. Those are brought together, and constitute one grand whole,—'The great Declaration.'

Thk Different Texts Of The Book. This subject has been treated of in the prolegomena; and I will content myself here with giving the summary of the discussions that have been

raised upon it, which is quoted in the jpjf) £R£

M Sfrom Kin w« M m

merely interjecting a remark or two, where his statements can l>e fairly called in question. The text preferred by Kenng Shing and other modern scholars will also be found, with a translation of it, in an appendix to the Book.

Ee-ts-cang says :—' The Shoo of Fuh-shang did not contain the "Great Declaration."' [But see the first Book of Maou K'e- ling's 'Wrongs of the old Text of the Shoo.' The 'Great Declaration' was in the Books of Fuh-shang.] 'It was in the "Old Text," found in the wall of Confucius' house; but as the commentary of Ivung Gaii-kwfi was not entered in the imperial college during the Han dynasty, his edition of it

did not then become current. Chang Pa

j^jj) then fraudulently made a "Great Declaration," in three parts, which became current, and contained the passage about "a white fish entering king Woo's ship," &c, which is found

in Chung-shoo (•fljl ^jp) and Sze-ma Ts'cen.' [This passage is found in those writers, and also in Fuh-shang's Introduction to the Shoo. There is no necessity to say that the 'Great Declaration,' current during the Han dynasty, was forged by Chang l'a.] 'But in the time of the Eastern Han, Ma Yung and other scholars became aware that this was not the genuine document; and it fell into general discredit, when the "Old Text" made its appearance at the commencement of the Eastern Tsin dynasty. Recently, however, this same Old Text has come

to be suspected by the scholar Woo J^X "Its language," he says, "is vehement and arrogant, not to be compared with that of the Declaration of T'ang. As the document appeared so late, we may suppose that the whole of it is not the original text."

'In my opinion, the conduct and language of T'ang and Woo were equally responsive to Heaven and accordant with men. They differed because the circumstances of the men differed. T ang was the founder of the fortunes of his House; Woo entered into an inheritance which was already flourishing. T'ang's enterprise commenced when men were beginning to look to Sliang; Woo's was undertaken when many of

the princes had long been followers of the Chiefs of Chow. The battle of Ming-t'eaou was fought by the people of Po, while at Mang-tsin there was a grand assemblage of the princes with their hosts. With such differences of circumstances, we should expect differences of style and manner. As to what is said of Chow's being worse than FM, and the language being more ornate, these things are accounted for by the difference of time. Even allowing that the style was somewhat modified and improved, when the document made its reappearance, we may well believe that it gives us the views of king Woo?

Contents. These may be stated in the language with which Le-ts'eang concludes his observations.—'In the first Part, king Woo addresses himself to the princes and others of inferior rank ; in the second, to the hosts of the princes; and in the third, to his officers. The ruling idea in the first is the duty of the sovereign,—what he ought to be and do; with this it begins and ends. There is not the same continuity of thought in the second, but the will and purpose of Heaven is the principal thing insisted on. The last Part shows the difference between the good sovereign and the bad, and touches on the consent that there is between Heaven and men. The Book is brilliantly composed, and far transcends the powers of any man of a later age to have made it.'

Contents Of The First Part. At a great assemblage of the princes, king Woo sets before them the reasons of his proceeding against Chow-sin. Starting from the position that the sovereign is ordained by God for the good of the people, he shows how the king of Shang acted only to the injury of the people. King Wiln would have punished him if he had lived, but now the duty was devolved upon himself, and with their help he would proceed to obey the requirement of Heaven. They need have no fears as to the issue. Favoured by God and men, the expedition could not but be crowned with success. There are eleven paragraphs which are so connected as to form only one chapter.

Par. 1. The time, place, and occasion of the Declaration. The time was the spring of the 13tli year; but it is hardly possible to place beyond dispute the prior date from which we are to calculate this 18th year. In the first place, the Preface assigns the time to the 11th year (note 32); and there is no way that can be admitted of reconciling the two accounts. The general view is that the 11 in the preface is a mistake for 13, but Lin Che-k'e takes the opposite view, and contends that the 13 in the text should be 11. In the second place, admitting the text to be correct, we find that the standard or common chronology reckons from the 1st year of king Woo's accession to the principality of Chow, which it places in u.c. 1133. This view is ably argued by Ts'ae Clrin in loc. On the other hand, Gan-kwo said that the 13th year was to be reckoned from king WSn's receiving ("as indicated by circumstances) the appointment of Heaven to the sovereignty of the empire. He is supposed to have then changed the style of his reign,—to have begun it afresh with a new 'first year.' Nine years then clapsed, and his work was not completed;—the tyrant was still upon the throne, and Wall

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3 "Heaven and Earth is the parent of all creatures; and of all creatures man is the most highly endowed. The sincere, intelligent,

and perspicacious among men becomes the

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died. Two years more passed by,—the period of mourning for him; and then king Woo took the field, bat it why not till the year after, the 4th year of his reign, that the contest between him and Chow-sin was decided. This view is strongly advocated by Maou K'e-ling, against Ts'ae and others, in the third Book of his tit at tit H| But the various

data on which it is endeavoured to decide the question are by no means certain ;—see a note in the #f /f^ (it |[J ^, on the date of king Woo's birth, under B.C. 1166. I must for the present suspend the expression of any opinion of my own on the point.

A controversy, nearly as perplexing, is waged about the time intended by 'the spring,' where we should hardly think there was room for any difference of view. It has been already observed (on 'The Instructions of E' Pt. i., p 1) that while the Ilea dyn. began the year with

the 1st month of spring (the month (R), the Shang began it with the last month of winter (the month -ff-). The Chow dynasty removed the commencement of the year farther back still, and made it begin with the second month of winter (the month F. Ts'ae and a host of followers say that by 'the spring' is intended the months of the Hea year; and this appears reasonable, for however different dynasties might begin their year in different months, they could not change the order of the seasons. The "spring' of Chow was the same as that of Ilea; and if we suppose, as is most natural, that the historian is speaking in the text with reference to the Chow year, then the month intended by 1 the spring' must be the first month of that season. Gan-kwfl, however, understands the month intended to be the Jirst of the Chow year, and Maou K'e-ling supports his view. This question will come up again in the course of this and the two next Books.

The place where the declaration was made was Mang-tsin, or at the 'Ford of Mang:'—see the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii., p. 7. There was there a great assembly of all the princes who already acknowledged the supremacy of Chow, and were confederate with Woo to make an end of the tyrant. Gan-kwo says they were the princes of the two thirds of the empire, who had followed the banner of king Wan (Ana VIII., xx., 4), and the chiefs of many of the wild tribes j— along with their various hosts.

P. 2. Opening of the address, -f- Q,

—Woo is here styled 'king,' or emperor, by anticipation. Had he been defeated, be would have been 'a rebel;' but as his enterprise was crowned with success, from the moment he began to operate against Chow-sin, he was the sovereign of China, and the other was only 'a solitary fellow' A ; Pt. Ill., o, f£

A , 'they were as having the same mind

and aim with him.' 'm 'is literally 'highest rulers,' or 'great rulers.' The 'Daily Explanation' explains the phrase by— jjjjjjj ~|T. which I have followed in the

translation. MftW^B ± ~

M^Jk>#P=±0r'/O' 'to Inside over,' 'to manage.' ^jj] ^ = ^ I|§1

'managers of affairs.' The 'Daily Explanation' would include the soldiers among the ~ff as well as the officers,—d: i but it is better not to extend the meaning of the term so far in this passage. Medhurst strangely and quite erroneously translates ||||J 3K by—' it has fallen to me to manage these affairs.' The address begins with the

exclamation which ordinarily precedes these military speeches.

3. The sovereign is ordained by Heaven and Earth, because of his virtues, for the good of the people. Compare the 'Announcement of T'ang,' p. 2. What is to be remarked here is the style of speaking which is new, and places 'Heaven and Earth ' in the place of 'Heaven' simply, or 'God.' Woo does not always employ this style. In this same Part he employs both the terms which I have mentioned. There can be no doubt that the deification of ' Heaven and Earth,' which appears in the text, took its rise from the Yih King, of which king Wan may properly be regarded as the author. No one who reads what Wan says on the first and second diagrams, and the further explanations of his son Tan (the duke of Chow), can be surprised to find king Woo speaking as he does in

the text. '\^AM^ZM-'h'3 man who is the most intelligent of all creatures.' By ^ ijjfjj in the first clause we understand

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the great sovereign is the parent of the people. But now, Show, the king of Sliang, does not reverence Heaven above, and inflicts calamities on the people below. He has been abandoned to drunkenness, and reckless in lust. He has dared to exercise cruel oppression. Along with criminals he has punished all their relatives. He has put men into office on the hereditary principle. He has made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, embankments, ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful injury of you,

Show, which Ts'ae says was 'the name of Chow.' Chow is his epithet in history, conferred upon him for his cruelty and wickedness;—see the

Diet, on the character Jj^ pf

j^j"). Lin Che-k'c says that J^j" was interchanged with from the similarity of the two characters in sound, but he must be wrong, because Show is here used by king Woo before the tyrant's death. ^,—1 think these phrases may best be taken as in the translation. 5. "fy M,-- comp.yj£

yjgf, in 'The Viscount of Wei,' p. 1. ^

ffi,—is 'to go forward with the eyes covered,'= 'to pursue blindly and recklessly.'


craned men according to their relationships.' The meaning is as in the translation. The 'Daily Explanation' has:—jjjpj ^ A,

AS Jftl Z,' "enclw P°'ut8 it out as one of the glories of king Wan's administration of K'e, that 'the wives and children of criminals were not involved in their guilt' ( Jf\

H^-; Bk. L, Pt II., v. 3,) It was one of the principles of Shun that punishments should not be extended to the offender's children (Counsels of the Great Yu, p. 11.) We have seen Yu's son, (The Speech at Kan, p, 5) and even T'ang, (The Speech of T'ang, p. 4) menacing their troops with the death of their children, if they did not do their duty. That may have been R measure of war; and Chow carried it into all the penal administration of his govt. To what extent the punishment of relations was carried by Chow, we do not learn from the text. GankwG supposes that the parents, brothers,

'all things,' inanimate as well as animate; in the second clause we must confine the meaning to animate creatures. The various tribes of animals have their several measures of intelligence, but all are very inferior to men.

Then, as men are superior to other creatures, there appear among them those who are superior to their fellows ;—the sages, who are raised up by Heaven, and become the rulers, teachers,— parents, in fact—of the moss. Ch'in King says on this:—' Man is one among all creatures. Other creatures, however, get but a portion of the energizing element of nature, while he receives it complete:—it is this which makes the nature of man more intelligent and capable than that of other creatures. But though men are endowed with this capacity and intelligence, there are those who are not able to preserve and maintain it, and there must be the quickapprehending and understanding ruler to be a parent to them. In this way the people are able all to complete their intelligence. The sage possesses before me that of which I have the seeds in common with himself; and among intelligent beings he is the most intelligent'





Pp. 4, 5. 2Jow C/iow had forfeited all his title to the empire, and king Wan had been charged to punish him. 4. j^jj —I have

hitherto called the tyrant of Shang by the name of Chow (^J). after Sze-ma Ts'een and alenrius. Here and elsewhere he appears as

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m % * * m^

the myriad people. He has burned and roasted the loyal and good. He has ripped up pregnant women. Great Heaven was moved with indignation, and charged my deceased father Wan reverently to display its majesty; but he died before the work was completed.

"On this account I, Fa, who am but a little child, have by means of you, the hereditary rulers of my friendly States, contemplated the government of Shang; but Show has no repentant

wives and children, (— *U suffered

with the offender. ti' A. Jit ]&■'

—' he offlced men according to their generation, or genealogical connection.' The 'Daily Explanation' makes the meaning to be that Chow put into office all the friends of his favourites.

H % H 1£ Z- But this view of VX

•jtf* is unwarrantable, Mencius, in the passage above referred to, says that king Wan salaried the descendants of meritorious officers. But tho' such men might be salaried, they were called to office only when they had the virtue and ability necessary for its duties. Chow did not look out for able and good men to fill the offices of the State. This is the burden of this part of

the indictment against him. tyfe.

H '|'j|=' he only cared for.'—lit

defines Ijijj" by at . The former term is the building as a whole; S?, the apartments

in it. Le Sean says:—' jf^ is a high terrace of earth, made for the purpose of observation; when a house or houses are built on the top of it, they are called ffi JJj! = Ji

Hl^ §f> 9~> 'allextravaeanccs;' Jjjx= W. ^ It, M~thisrefera 10 the

punishment of Roasting, described in the historical note on the 'Conquest of Le.' ^|J J^lJ —we saw how Chow caused the

heart of l'c-kan to be cut out j—Hwang-poo

Meih, of the Tsin dyn., says that he also caused Pe-kan's wife to be ripped up. No earlier account to that effect, however, is known. King Woo is no doubt rehearsing things which , were commonly charged upon the tyrant at the time.

J=| —see on the 'Announcement of

T'ang,'"p. 2. ^ f£ ^ ^is the

name for a father deceased. King Woo speaks in this way of his father having been charged to punish Chow, to vindicate all the better his own present course. We are not to suppose that any such commission was ever expressly given to Wan; and Confucius speaks of him as having been faithful to the dyu. of Shang to the

lasti-- see Ana., V11L, xx., 4. A ffjjj}

0^|=^ ~X}] Jjjjjj. We must complete

the meaning by adding fffl jgjjj, as in the translation.

P. 6. The task of punishing Chow being now devolved on him, he sets forth the evidence of his

hopeless wickedness. W^-"** j^C> 'therefore.'

mm Tms^

plained by a reference to the same phrase in the 'Both possessed pure Virtue,' p. 10. The princes of the States were to Woo an index of the govt, of Chow. Had they remained loyal to him, that would have shown that his govt, was good. As they were now in the mass revolted from him, and following Woo's banner, it was clear that he was no longer fit to be emperor. Such is the explanation of this passage by Ts'ae, and what is now commonly received; and I see no better course than to acquiesce in it. Gan-kw5 and the earlier scholars explained it with reference to an assembly, which they imagined, of Woo and the princes at the ford of Tsin, two years before the period of this 'Declaration.' Then he had thoughts of attacking Chow, but on contemplating his govt,, concluded that the time was not yet conic, and withdrew his troops.

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heart. He abides squatting on his heels, not serving God or the spirits of heaven and earth, neglecting also the temple of his ancestors, and not sacrificing in it. The victims and the vessels of millet all become the prey of wicked robbers; and still he says, 'The people are mine: the decree is mine,' never trying to correct his 7 contemptuous mind. Now Heaven, to protect the inferior people, made for them rulers, and made for them instructors, that they might be able to be aiding to God, and secure the tranquillity of the four quarters of the empire. In regard to who are criminals and who are not, how dare I give any allowance to my own wishes?

Such a meeting is not properly substantiated; and the view is otherwise liable to many objections. ^ J^,—compare ^ Con. Ana., XIV., xlvi. i$ ^ \ ^

m m m % ^ m % «&-^

after Gan-kwti, gives for this—Jj|| \~

IT if - 7j? iH Z # E*1 he has dUc°»tinu

ed the sacrifices,—to God, the hundred spirits, and the spirits of his ancestors.' Ying-ta observes that the meaning is that Chow had no religion, rendered no service to spiritual beings

Ofi ^ ]ji$ jjtlfy; God, as the highest of all such beings, being mentioned, to &how the enormity of his wickedness. In this way a distinction is made between f* ^* and jjjfjj

the latter phrase being synonymous with |£f

On the other hand, the1 Daily Explana

tion,' for % Jt ^ Hp fft has-^

If % t& 1$ St X- fa ^ ^- '»°

slights and contemns the spirits of Heaven and Karth, and renders not service to them.' This would confound God with the spirits of Heaven and Karth, which is by no means inconceivable in Woo, when we consider the language of p. 8. Compare also the language of parr. 3 and 4 in the 'Announcement of T'ang.' Upon the

whole, however, the gradation of thought in the passage may determine the scale in favour of

the former view. H # gfc ^

1^1 iui~'{lt 44-see the last Book' p-c; ^

^jS£, see Men., III., Pt. H, ill., 8; ^ = ^,

'are consumed,' or 'are all taken.' The whole corresponds with the words of the Grand Tutor in the par. of the ' Viscount of Wei '.just referred

to. >j^J ^j^, ^jj" -p^, —comp. the 'Couquest of Le,' p. 5. |gj \%!- M

P. 7. lie returns to the principles dechired m par. 3, and shows thai he wax constrained by them to attack Chow. Sec this par. as it is quoted by Mencius, I., Bk. XL, iii., 7. The difference between the text here, and that which he gives is very considerable. We cannot suppose that the present text of the Shoo was forged from Mencius. A plagiarist, attempting such an imposition as is ascribed to 'the false K'ung,' would have taken the language exactly from his copy. We can only believe that Mencius had a copy of the 'Great Declaration' before him, differing not a little from the present, or that he quoted from memory, and allowed himself great license in altering the classic.

H! |Z3 ~)j 'to show favour and tranquillize thefour quarters of theempire.'

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