is uncontested; and only 8 have been entirely, the princes had long been followers of the Chiefs THE NAME OF THE BOOK.-泰誓 Great Declaration.' 'The 'great.' King Woo, having at last taken the field against Chow, makes three speeches to his officers and men, expounding the grounds of his enterprise, urging them to play the man with him in the cause of humanity and Heaven. Those are brought together, and constitute one grand whole,-"The great Declaration.' THE DIFFERENT TEXTS OF THE BOOK. This subject has been treated of in the prolegomena; and I will content myself here with giving the summary of the discussions that have been raised upon it, which is quoted in the of Chow. The battle of Ming-t'eaou was fought CONTENTS. These may be stated in the 綱目 通鑑前 from Kin Le-ts'cang's continuity of thought in the second, but the merely interjecting a remark or two, where his then fraudulently made a "Great Declaration," in three Parts, which became current, and contained the passage about "a white fish entering king Woo's ship," &c., which is found in Chung-shoo (7) and Sze-ma Ts'een,' [This passage is found in those writers, and also in Fuh-shang's Introduction to the Shoo. There is no necessity to say that the Great Declaration,' current during the Han dynasty, was forged by Chang Pa.]But in the time of the Eastern Han, Ma Yung and other scholars became aware that this was not the genuine document; and it fell into general discredit, when the "Old Text" made its appearance at the commencement of the Eastern Tsin dynasty. Recently, however, this same Old Text has come to be suspected by the scholar Woo (E). "Its language," he says, "is vehement and arrogant, not to be compared with that of the Declaration of T'ang. As the document appeared so late, we may suppose that the whole of it is not the original text." In my opinion, the conduct and language of Tang and Woo were equally responsive to Heaven and accordant with men. They differed because the circumstances of the men differed. Tang was the founder of the fortunes of his House; Woo entered into an inheritance which was already flourishing. T'ang's enterprise commenced when men were beginning to look to Shang; Woo's was undertaken when many of will and purpose of Heaven is the principal liantly composed, and far transcends the powers CONTENTS OF THE FIRST PART. At a great chapter. Par. 1. The time, place, and occasion of the Declaration. The time was the spring of the 13th year; but it is hardly possible to place beyond dispute the prior date from which we are to calculate this 13th year. In the first place, the Preface assigns the time to the 11th year (note 32); and there is no way that can be admitted of reconciling the two accounts. The general view is that the 11 in the preface is a mistake for 13, but Lin Che-k'e takes the opposite view, and contends that the 13 in the text should be 11. In the second place, admitting the text to be correct, we find that the standard or common chronology reckons from the 1st year of king Woo's accession to the principality of Chow, which it places in B.C. 1133. This view is ably argued by Ts'ae Ch'in in loc. On the other hand, Gan-kwo said that the 13th year was to be reckoned from king Wan's receiving (as indicated by circumstances) the appointment of Heaven to the sovereignty of the empire. He is supposed to have then changed the style of his reign,-to have begun it afresh with a new first year.' Nine years then elapsed, and his work was not completed;-the tyrant was still upon the throne, and Wan 3 民元作 物物天誓。 聰之人地 4.11 后明靈萬母萬惟 111 "Heaven and Earth is the parent of all creatures; and of all creatures man is the most highly endowed. The sincere, intelligent, and perspicacious among men becomes the great sovereign; and died. Two years more passed by, the period-Woo is here styled 'king,' or emperor, by of mourning for him; and then king Woo took anticipation. Had he been defeated, he would the field, but it was not till the year after, the have been a rebel;' but as his enterprise was 4th year of his reign, that the contest between crowned with success, from the moment he him and Chow-sin was decided. This view is began to operate against Chow-sin, he was the strongly advocated by Maou K‘e-ling, against sovereign of China, and the other was only a Ts'ae and others, in the third Book of his 尙書廣聽錄 But the various data on which it is endeavoured to decide the question are by no means certain ;-see a note in the 歴代統表 on the date of king Woo's birth, under B.c. 1168. I must for the present suspend the expression of any opinion of my own on the point. solitary fellow' (✯; Pt. III., 4). 我 友邦冡君-Ying-th says一同志為 友‘they were th as having the same mind 6 and aim with him.' 冡君 is literally highest rulers,' or 'great rulers.' The Daily Explanation' explains the phrase by A controversy, nearly as perplexing, is waged, which I have followed in the about the time intended by the spring,' where we should hardly think there was room for any translation. difference of view. It has been already observ 越我御事庶士,一 ed (on The Instructions of E' Pt. i., p. 1)=K, ‘and;' - or, to pre 'managers of affairs.' The Daily Ex planation' would include the soldiers among the as well as the officers,-; but it is better not to extend the meaning of the term so far in this passage. Medhurst strangely and quite erroneously translates that while the Hea dyn. began the year with side over,' 'to manage.' the 1st month of spring (the month), the Shang began it with the last month of winter (the month). The Chow dynasty removed the commencement of the year farther back still, and made it begin with the second month of winter (the month). Ts'ae and a host of followers say that by 'the spring' is intended the months of the Hea year; and this appears rea-by-it has fallen to me to manage these sonable, for however different dynasties might begin their year in different months, they could not change the order of the seasons. The 'spring' of Chow was the same as that of Hea; and if we suppose, as is most natural, that the historian is speaking in the text with reference to the Chow year, then the month intended by 'the spring must be the first month of that season. Gan-kwo, however, understands the month intended to be the first of the Chow year, and Maou K'e-ling supports his view. This question will come up again in the course of this and the two next Books. The place where the declaration was made was Măng-tsin, or at the Ford of Măng:'-see the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii., p. 7. There was there a great assembly of all the princes who already acknowledged the supremacy of Chow, and were confederate with Woo to make an end of the tyrant. Gan-kwo says they were the princes of the two thirds of the empire, who had followed the banner of king Wăn (Ana., VIII., xx., 4), and the chiefs of many of the wild tribes;along with their various hosts. P. 2. Opening of the address, affairs.' The address begins with the exclamation which ordinarily precedes these military speeches. 6 3. The sovereign is ordained by Heaven and Earth, because of his virtues, for the good of the people. Compare the Announcement of Tang,' p. 2. What is to be remarked here is the style of speaking which is new, and places 'Heaven and Earth' in the place of Heaven' simply, or 'God.' Woo does not always employ this style. In this same Part he employs both the terms which I have mentioned. There can be no doubt that the deification of Heaven and Earth,' which appears in the text, took its rise from the Yih King, of which king Wan may properly be regarded as the author. No one who reads what Wan says on the first and second diagrams, and the further explanations of his son Tan (the duke of Chow), can be surprised to find king Woo speaking as he does in 惟人萬物之靈‘it is the text. man who is the most intelligent of all creatures.' 王日By 萬物 in the first clause we understand 池室以以暴冒民天受O 世族虐色○降弗今 侈 服榭惟官罪敢沈災敬商 以陂宮人人行湎下上王 4 the great sovereign is the parent of the people. But now, Show, the king of Shang, does not reverence Heaven above, and 5 inflicts calamities on the people below. He has been abandoned to drunkenness, and reckless in lust. He has dared to exercise cruel oppression. Along with criminals he has punished all their relatives. He has put men into office on the hereditary principle. He has made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, enbankments, ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful injury of you, •all things,' inanimate as well as animate; in | the second clause we must confine the meaning to animate creatures. The various tribes of animals have their several measures of intelligence, but all are very inferior to men. Then, as men are superior to other creatures, there appear among them those who are superior to their fellows;—the sages, who are raised up by Heaven, and become the rulers, teachers, parents, in fact-of the mass. Ch'in King says on this:-Man is one among all creatures, Other creatures, however, get but a portion of the energizing element of nature, while he receives it complete:-it is this which makes the nature of man more intelligent and capable than that of other creatures. But though men are endowed with this capacity and intelligence, there are those who are not able to preserve 于酒, in (The Viscount of Wei,' p. 1. 冒 色冒 is to go forward with the eyes and maintain it, and there must be the quick- covered,'' to pursue blindly and recklessly.' apprehending and understanding ruler to be a parent to them. In this way the people are able all to complete their intelligence. The sage possesses before me that of which I have the seeds in common with himself; and among intelligent beings he is the most intelligent, 色女色 罪人以族the crimed men according to their relationships.' The meaning is as in the translation. The (人者萬物之一也物得氣不但誅其一身,并其族屬 人得氣之全此人性 而刑戮之 Mencius points it out as one 靈於物然人雖有 of the glories of king Wan's administration of 靈有不能保此靈者必 得聰明之君以 民始得 K'e, that 'the wives and children of criminals were not involved in their guilt' (罪人不 ; Bk. I., Pt. II., v. 3,) It was one of the principles of Shun that punishments should not 先得我心之所同然而爲 be extended to the offender's children (Counsels 之靈者耳 Pp.4,5. How Chow had for feited all his title to the empire, and king Wăn had been charged to punish him. 4. 商王受I have hitherto called the tyrant of Shang by the name of Chow (村), after Sze-ma Ts'een and Mencius. Here and elsewhere he appears as of the Great Yu, p. 11.) We have seen Yu's son, (The Speech at Kan, p. 5) and even Tang, (The Speech of Tang, p. 4) menacing their troops with the death of their children, if they did not do their duty. That may have been a measure of war; and Chow carried it into all the penal administration of his govt. To what extent the punishment of relations was carried by Chow, we do not learn from the text. Gankwō supposes that the parents, brothers, 6 商冢發○ 威文天刳姓殘 惟君以肆大震剔焚害 受觀爾予勳肅怒孕炙于 政友小未將命婦忠爾 有于邦子集天我皇良萬 the myriad people. He has burned and roasted the loyal and good. He has ripped up pregnant women. Great Heaven was moved with indignation, and charged my deceased father Wăn reverently to display its majesty; but he died before the work was completed. “On this account I, Fă, who am but a little child, have by means of you, the hereditary rulers of my friendly States, contemplated the government of Shang; but Show has no repentant wives and children, 三族) all suffered | with the offender. 官人以世 -'he officed men according to their generation, or genealogical connection.' The Daily Explanation' makes the meaning to be that Chow put into office all the friends of his favourites. Meih, of the Tsin dyn, says that he also caused Pe-kan's wife to be ripped up. No earlier account to that effect, however, is known. King commonly charged upon the tyrant at the time. Woo is no doubt rehearsing things which were 皇天一 -see on the 'Announcement of 命我文考-考 is the 一其用人,則不論賢否但其 心之所喜即并其子弟親 in this way of his father having been charged 屬悉籠任之 But this view of 以 His unwarrantable. Mencius, in the passage above referred to, says that king Wan salaried the descendants of meritorious officers. But tho' such men might be salaried, they were called T'ang,' p. 2. ;-see Ana., VIII., xx., 4. 大勳未 to office only when they had the virtue and 集大功未成 We must complete the meaning by adding 而崩, ability necessary for its duties. Chow did not look out for able and good men to fill the offices of the State. This is the burden of this part of the indictment against him. 惟宮室 ·萬 姓惟=the only cared for:一其 所務者惟在宮室云云. The 說文defines宮by室. The former term is the building as a whole;, the apartments in it. Le Seun says:- is a high terrace of earth, made for the purpose of observation; when a house or houses are built on the top of , lation. as in the trans P. 6. The task of punishing Chow being now devolved on him, he sets forth the evidence of his hopeless wickedness. 肆一故,‘therefore, 以爾......于商-觀政 is explained by a reference to the same phrase in the (Both possessed pure Virtue,'p. 10. The princes of the States were to Woo an index of the govt. of Chow. Had they remained loyal to him, that would have shown that his govt. was good. As they were now in the mass revolted from him, and following Woo's banner, it was clear that he was no longer fit to be emperor. Such is the explanation of this passage by Ts'ae, and it, they are called 榭 侈服=凡 侈靡諸事, all extravagances; 服= what is now commonly received; and I sce no 事 焚炙忠良,this refers to the punishment of Roasting, described in the his better course than to acquiesce in it. Gan-kwŎ and the earlier scholars explained it with reference to an assembly, which they imagined, of Woo and the princes at the ford of Tsin, two torical note on the Conquest of Le.' 刳 years before the period of this Declaration.. 剔孕婦 -we saw how Chow caused the heart of Pe-kan to be cut out; Hwang-poo Then he had thoughts of attacking Chow, but on contemplating his govt,, concluded that the time was not yet come, and withdrew his troops. 曷四其作其吾盛宗上俊 有旣廟帝心 敢方克之 越 有相 君○民于弗神乃 上作天有凶 夷 厥無帝之佑命盜犠遺居 志業寵師下罔乃牲厥弗 予綏惟民懲日粢先事 heart. He abides squatting on his heels, not serving God or the spirits of heaven and earth, neglecting also the temple of his ancestors, and not sacrificing in it. The victims and the vessels of millet all become the prey of wicked robbers; and still he says, 'The people are mine: the decree is mine,' never trying to correct his 7 contemptuous mind. Now Heaven, to protect the inferior people, made for them rulers, and made for them instructors, that they might be able to be aiding to God, and secure the tranquillity of the four quarters of the empire. In regard to who are criminals and who are not, how dare I give any allowance to my own wishes? Such a meeting is not properly substantiated; and the view is otherwise liable to many objec tions. whole, however, the gradation of thought in the passage may determine the scale in favour of 夷居-compare 夷俟 Con. the former view. Ana., XIV., xlvi. 弗事上帝神|凶盜犧牲 犧牲粢盛旣于 see the last Book, p. 6; 祇遺厥先宗廟弗Tsae,盛 see Men., III., Pt. II., iii., 3; — 廢上帝 are consumed,' or 'are all taken.' The whole after Gan-kwo, gives for this- corresponds with the words of the Grand Tutor 百神宗廟之 he has discontinue in the par. of the . Viscount of Wei'just referred to. 有民有命-comp. the‘Con ed the sacrifices,–to God, the hundred spirits, and the spirits of his ancestors.' Ying-tň ob serves that the meaning is that Chow had no quest of Le,' p. 5. 罔懲其侮=無 religion, rendered no service to spiritual beings| 有懲戒其侮慢之意 (不事神祇); God, as the highest of all such beings, being mentioned, to show the 神. On the other hand, the Daily Explana- slights and contemns the spirits of Heaven and Earth, and renders not service to them.' This would confound God with the spirits of Heaven and Earth, which is by no means inconceivable in Woo, when we consider the language of p. 3. Compare also the language of parr. 3 and 4 in P. 7. He returns to the principles declared in par. 3, and shows that he was constrained by them to attack Chow. See this par. as it is quoted by Mencius, I., Bk. II., iii., 7. The difference between the text here, and that which he gives is very considerable. We cannot suppose that the present text of the Shoo was forged from Mencius. A plagiarist, attempting such an would have taken the language exactly from imposition as is ascribed to the false K'ung,' his copy. We can only believe that Mencius had a copy of the Great Declaration' before him, differing not a little from the present, or that he quoted from memory, and allowed himself great license in altering the classic. 寵綏四方, to show favour and tranquillize the four quarters of the empire. the Announcement of Tang.’ Upon the 予曷敢有越志我何敢 |