Ohio valley, and even as far as the plains of Illinois. The emigrant travelled in his own wagons to his new home in the then "far" West. During the long and hazardous journey his family lived the life of roaming gypsies. The people's dress was of the cheapest and simplest character. A rough casinet cloth was used for the best dress of the men, and few women out of the principal cities aspired to a silk gown. In 1830 cotton calico was worn by most women, even of the well-to-do class. The servant problem, to-day such a difficult one to the American housewife, was much easier of solution then; for, as there were fewer foreign women available for domestic service, native Americans had to be employed. These were not called servants, but "help," and it was the custom for them to sit at the family table and in other ways to be treated as equals and members of the family. Such an arrangement was hardly an inconvenience where so much simplicity of life prevailed. A repugnance then existed to all distinctions in dress. No coachman was ever seen in livery, nor did servants dress in any prescribed fashion. Concerning this trait Miss Martineau writes: "One laughable peculiarity at the British Legation (at Washington) was the confusion of tongues among the servants, who ask you to take fish, flesh and fowl in Spanish, Italian, German, Dutch, Irish, or French. The foreign ambassadors are terribly plagued about servants. No American will wear livery, and there is no reason why any American should. But the British ambassador must have livery Bervants. He makes what compromise he can, allowing his people to appear without livery out of doors, except on state occasions; but he is obliged to pick up his domestics from among foreigners who are in want of a subsistence for a short time, and are sure to go away as soon as they can find employment in which the wearing a livery is not a requisite.” Such was the repugnance to livery that policemen dressed like ordinary citizens. Even New York city did not give its police a distinctive dress until 1845. Other cities followed later, until now it would be difficult to distinguish the police force in any American city from the metropolitan police of London. Coachmen's liveries are less gaudy in America than in Europe. We have not yet adopted powdered-haired coachmen and flunkeys with stuffed calves, nor brilliantly colored coaches. I remember well that when the Pennsylvania Railroad Company decided that conductors and passenger-train men upon its lines should be distinguished from passengers by a uniform official dress, serious doubts were entertained whether the requirement would not lead to universal refusal to wear livery. In this case, as with the police force, the obvious advantage of the men in authority being known at once by their uniform was finally recognized by the employees. It is a sentiment well worth humoring, however-this dislike to distinctive badges, except when clearly useful. Unless so, let republican citizens be independent and differ even in dress. There was scarcely a private carriage in Western cities in those days. People rode on horseback or in rude wagons, or, at best, in one-horse chaises. An old lady, living not long since, and one whom I knew well and honored, kept the first carriage in Pittsburgh; and the lady who first had a coachman in livery (he was a colored man fond of display) died only recently. If the dress, conveniences and homes of the people were of the simplest character, so was the food. It was, however, very cheap. Eggs were three halfpence a dozen, and a leg of lamb cost only a shilling. Foreign wine was so rare and costly as to be almost unknown. The importations of wine in 1831 amounted to only a million and a half dollars. Barter was a common mode of payment. Workmen, even in cities, received orders upon a store for their labor. Wages were generally low. Laborers received sixty-two cents (three shillings) per day, and two dollars (eight shillings) per day was long considered remarkably high wages, and was given only to very skilful workmen. Salaries were even lower in proportion. The late President of the great Pennsylvania Railway received only $1,500 (£300) per annum as late as 1855, when he was superintendent of the western division of the line. I was overwhelmed when, as his successor, I received £50 more per annum. Notwithstanding low wages, the regularity of work and the simplicity of life enabled the people to save considerable sums every year. Such as there was of fashion was in the ven direction of the plainest living, and in op- rendered less imperative by the omnipresposition to ostentation in residence, furni- ent railroad. It is the superiority of the ture, dress, food or equipage. It was re- iron highway in America which has dipublican to be plain, simple, unaffected verted attention from the country roads. and of the people. Kid-gloves, dress Macaulay's test of the civilization of the coats and silk dresses were hardly known people by the condition of their roads west of the Alleghenies. There were no must be interpreted, in this age of steam, millionaires in those days. Men with fifty to include railroads. Communication beor a hundred thousand dollars (£10,000 to tween places is now cheaper and more £20,000) were spoken of throughout the comfortable than in any other country. country as the millionaire is now. Indeed, Upon the principal railway lines the cars there are probably more millionaires in luxurious drawing-rooms by day and New York city to-day than there were sleeping chambers by night-are men in the whole country in 1830 who tilated by air, warmed and filtered in were worth a hundred thousand dollars. winter, and cooled in summer. Passenger The first pianoforte manufactory was steamers upon the lakes and rivers are of founded in 1822, but was so insignificant gigantic size and models of elegance. that in 1853 it turned out only fifteen The variety and quality of the food of the pianos a week. Few carriages were made people of America excels that found elsetill 1840. Works of art were rarely seen. where, and is a constant surprise to EuThe first picture gallery of any conse- ropeans visiting the States. The dress of quence was that of the Pennsylvania the people is now of the richest character Academy, Philadelphia, opened in 1811.-far beyond that of any other people, Other cities remained till a recent date without important art collections. Libraries existed in colleges and in the public buildings of the State capital, but few collections of books were accessible to the people. Previous to 1830 only three or four cities had such libraries, and these were unimportant. In those days every village and country district had its universal genius who could turn his hand to anything, from drawing a tooth to mending a clock. The doctor of divinity had usually the functions of doctor of medicine as well. The doctor of the body had no brother doctor of the soul; he was both himself. The lawyer was attorney, counsellor, real estate agent, banker and barrister in one. With increasing population, handicrafts and professions have become specialized; and communities, however small, are now generally well supplied with men trained to their special vocations, to which they confine themselves. A community of toilers with an undeveloped continent before them, and destitute of the refinements and elegancies of life-such was the picture presented by the Republic fifty years ago. Contrasted with that of to-day we might almost conclude that we were upon another planet and subject to different primary conditions. If the roads throughout the country are yet poor compared with those of Europe, the need of good roads has been compared class for class. The comforts of the average American home compare favorably with those of other lands, while the residences of the wealthy classes are not equalled anywhere. The first-class American residence of to-day in all its appointments excites the envy of the foreigner. One touch of the electric button calls a messenger; two touches bring a telegraph boy; three summon a policeman; four give the alarm of fire. Telephones are used to an extent hardly dreamed of in Europe, the stables, gardeners' houses and other outbuildings being connected with the mansion; and the houses of friends are joined by the talking wire almost as often as houses of business. Speaking-tubes connect the drawing-room with the kitchen; and the dinner is brought up "piping hot" by an elevator. Hot air and steam pipes are carried all over the house; and by the turning of a tap the temperature of any room is regulated to suit the convenience of the occu pant. The electric light is coming into use throughout the country as an additional home comfort. Indeed there is no palace or great mansion in Europe with half the conveniences and scientific appliances which characterize the best American mansions. New York Central Park is no unworthy rival of Hyde Park and the Bois de Boulogne in its display of fine equipages; and in winter the hundreds of graceful sleighs dashing along the Comegys, late Governor of Delaware. Benjamin came to Philadelphia when about seventeen years of age, and entered the Philadelphia Bank, and soon became cashier, which place he held till elected Vice President and is a director of the Philadelphia Trust Company, of the drives form a picture prettier than anything London can boast. The opera houses, theatres and public halls of the after engaging for some time as a dry goods clerk, he country excel in magnificence those of other lands, if we except the later constructions in Paris and Vienna, with which the New York and Philadelphia opera houses rank. The commercial exchanges, and the imposing structures of the life in surance companies, newspaper buildings, hotels, and many edifices bailt by wealthy firms, not only in New York, but a the sities of the West, never fail to excite the European's surprise. The posta system is equal in every respect to that of Europe. Mails are taken up by express trains, sorted on board, and dropped at all important points without stopping. Letters are delivered several times a day in every considerable town. The uniform rate of postage for all distances, often exceeding three thousand miles, is only two cents (one penny) per ounce. In short, the conditions of life in American cities may be said to have approximated those of Britain during the fifty years of which we are speaking. Year by year, as the population advances, the general standard of comfort in the smaller Western cities rises to that of the East. Herbert Spencer was astonished beyond measure at what he saw in American cities. Such books as I had looked into," said he, "had given me no adequate idea of the immense developments of material civilization which I have everywhere found. The extent, wealth and magnificence of your cities, and especially the splendor of New York, have altogether astonished me. Though I have not visited the wonder of the West, Chicago, yet some of your minor modern places, such as Cleveland, have sufficiently amazed me, by the marvellous results of one generation's activity. Occasionally, when I have been in places of some ten thousand inhabitants, where the telephone is in general use, I have felt somewhat ashamed of our own unenterprising towns; many of which, of fifty thousand inhabitants and more, make no use of it." OUR CONSTITUTION. [Benjamin Bartis Comegys was born at Dover, Delaware, May 9th, 1819-son of Cornelius P. afterward President, which position he still holds. He Pennsylvania Railroad Company, of the Western Saving Fund Society, of the Sunday School Union of America, and of the Philadelphia City Trusts, including the Girard Estate, in which capacity his lecture, delivered to the boys in the chapel of the Girard College, October, 1887, was made, and which has attracted much attention because of its clear and eloquent explanation of our glorious Constitution, and the reasons he so plainly points out why we all should prize it. Mr. Comegys, like Mr. Carnegie (see Triumphant Democracy, page 273 in this vol.), though a very busy man, finds time to teach, in the manner of the lecture here given, in words of sober pith gained from experience and careful observation, lessons which cannot but be of great benefit to all—especially the young.] I am about to do what I have never done-what has probably never been done by any other person in this chapel. I propose to give you a political speech, but not a partisan speech; indeed, I hardly think you will be able to guess, from anything I say, to which of the two great political parties I belong. I do not go to the Bible for a textthough there are many passages in the Holy Scriptures which would answer my purpose very well-but I take for my text the following passage from the will of Mr. Girard : "And especially I desire that by every proper means, a pure attachment to our republican institutions, and to the sacred rights of conscience as guaranteed by our happy Constitution, shall be formed and fostered in the minds of the scholars." A few weeks ago our city was filled to overflowing with strangers. They came from all parts of the land, and some from distant parts of the world. Our railways and steamboats were crowded to their utmost capacity. Our streets were thronged ; our hotels and many private dwellings were full. It was said that there were half a million of strangers here. The President of the United States, the members of the Cabinet, many members of the national Senate and House of Representatives, the General of the army and many other generals, the highest navy officers, judges of the Supreme Court of the United States and of the State courts, the Gov. ernors of most of the States-each with his staff-soldiers and sailors of the United States, and many regiments of State troops (the Girard College cadets among them)a military and naval display of twenty-five thousand men-representatives of foreign states, an exhibition of the industrial and mechanic arts, in a procession miles in extent, such as was never seen in all the world before; receptions and banquets, public and private; a general suspension of most kinds of business. All this occurred in the city only a few weeks ago. mean? streets of our What did it It was the One Hundredth Anniversary of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, and it was considered to be an event of such importance that it was well worth while to pause in our daily work; to give holiday to our schools; to still the busy hum of industry; to stop the wheels of commerce; to close our places of business. One hundred years ago the Constitution of the United States of America was adopted in this city.. What had been our government before this? Up to July, 1776, there had been thirteen colonies, all under the government of Great Britain. In the lapse of time the people of these colonies, owing allegiance to the king of England, and subjected to certain taxes which they had no voice in considering and imposing, because they had no representation in the Parliament which laid the taxes, became discontented and rebellious, and in a convention which sat in our own city of Philadelphia, on the 4th of July, 1776, they united in a Declaration of Independence of Great Britain, and announced the thirteen colonies as Free, Sovereign and Independent States. This, however, was only a declaration; and it took seven long years of exhausting and terrible war (which would have been longer still but for the timely aid of the French nation) to secure that independence and have it acknowledged by the governments of Europe. Before the declaration, each of the colonies had a State government and a written constitution, for the regulation of its internal affairs. Now these colonies had become States, with the necessity upon them (not at first admitted by all) of a general compact or agreement, by which the States, while maintaining their independence in many things, should become a confederated or general government. More than a year passed before the Constitution, which the convention agreed upon, was adopted by a sufficient number of the States to make it binding on all the thirteen. Now, what is the Constitution? How does it differ from the laws which the Congress enacts every winter in Washingt? First let me speak of other nations. There are two kinds of government in the world-monarchical and republican. And there are two kinds of monarchies—absolute and limited. An absolute monarch, whether he be called emperor or king, rules by his personal will-his will is the law. One of the most perfect illustrations of absolute or personal government is seen on board any ship, where the will of the chief officer, whether admiral or captain, or whatever his rank, is, and must be, the law. From his orders, his decisions, there is no appeal until the ship reaches the shore, when he himself comes under the law. This is a very ancient form of government, now known in very few countries calling themselves civilized. The other kind of monarchy is limited by a constitution, unwritten, as in Great Britain, or written, as in some other nations of Europe. In these countries the sovereigns are under a constitution; in some instances with hardly as much power as our President. They are not a law unto themselves, but are under the common law. The other kind of government is republican, democratic or representative. It is, as was happily said on the field of Gettysburg, long after the battle, by President Lincoln, a government of the people, by the people, for the people." These few plain words are well worth remembering-of," "by," for the people. These are the traits which distinguish our government from all kinds of monarchies, whether absolute or limited, hereditary or elective. After the war between Germany and France, in 1870, the German kingdoms of Prussia, Hanover, Saxony, Wurtemberg, Bavaria, with certain small princi. palities, each with its hereditary sovereign, were consolidated or confederated as the German empire, and the king of Prussia, the present Frederick William, was crowned emperor of Germany. France, however, after that war, having had enough of kings and emperors, adopted the republican form of government. So that now there are three republics in Europe, viz., France, Switzerland, and a little territory on the east coast of Italy, San Marino. So that almost all of Europe, all of Asia, and all of Africa (except Liberia), and the islands of Australia, and the northern part of North America (except Alaska), are under the government of monarchs; while the three countries of Europe already mentioned, and our own country, and Mexico, and the Central American States, and all South America except Brazil (and some small parts of the coast of South America under British rule), are republics.' Now let us come back to our own government and see what it is, and whether it is better than any form of monarchy; and if so, why. What is the Constitution of the United States? The first clause in it is the best answer I can give : 66 We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquil lity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America." Then follow the articles and sections setting forth the principles on which it was proposed to build up a nation in this western world. The thirteen states each had its constitution and its laws, but this instrument was intended to serve as the foundation of the general government. Until these states had formed their constitutions there was no republican government in the world except Switzerland and San Marino, and these lived only on the sufferance of their powerful monarchical neighbors. All South America was under Spanish rule, and Mexico was a monarchy. The great principle of a republic is that people have a right to choose their own 'One of our most distinguished citizens said some years ag: that he believed the tendency of things was towards the English language, the Christian religion, and republican government for the human race. rulers, and ought to do it. The divine right of hereditary monarchy we deny. It is often said, that the English government is as free as ours; but it is not quite true, and will not be true until every citizen is permitted to vote for his rulers. Whether so much liberty is perfectly safe for all people is well open to question; but it is a fact here, and if people would only behave themselves properly there would be no danger whatever in it. And if there is danger here, it comes not from native-born citizens trained under our free institutions. The sun does not shine on a broader, fairer land than this; and under that divine Providence, without whose gracious aid we could not have achieved and cannot maintain our Constitution, we have nothing whatever to fear for the present or to dread in the future, but the evil men among us-the Anarchists and Socialists, the scum and offscouring of Europewho, with no fear of God before their eyes, so far forget the high aims of this government and their own obligations to it as to seek to overthrow its very foundations. The highest and best types of monarchical governments are in Europe, and it is with such that we seek comparison when we insist that ours is better. Monarchies are hereditary. They descend from father to the oldest son, and to the oldest son of the oldest son where there are sons. England has rejoiced in two female sovereigns at least, Elizabeth and Victoria, the present sovereign; but they came to the throne because there was no son in either case to inherit. The heir apparent, whatever his character or want of character, must reign when the sovereign dies; because, as they say, he rules by divine right. We insist on electing our President for a term of years, and if we like him we give him another term; if we do not like him, we drop him and try another. I wish the term of office of the President were longer, and that he could serve only one term. Perhaps it will come to that; and I think he would be a more independent, a better official under this condition. What is the difference between the Constitution and the laws? The Constitution is the great charter under which, and within which, the laws are made. No law that Congress may |