of the Lord's supper, but also in consequence of the false notions he was supposed to have adopted, relating to the divinity of Christ, the efficacy of the divine word, original sin, and some other parts of the Christian doctrine. This illustrious reformer cleared himself, however, from the greatest part of these accusations, with the most triumphant evidence, and in such a manner as appeared entirely satisfactory, even to Luther himself. Their dissension concerning the manner of Christ's presence in the eucharist still remained; nor could either of the contending parties be persuaded to abandon, or even to modify their opinion of that matter. The only advantage, therefore, that resulted from this conference, was, that the jarring doctors formed a sort of truce, by agreeing to a mutual toleration of their respective sentiments, and leaving to the disposal of Providence, and the effects of time, which sometimes cools the rage of party, the cure of their divisions.

XXIX. The ministers of the churches, which had embraced the sentiments of Luther, were preparing The diet of a new embassy to the emperor, when an account Augsburg. was received of a design formed by that prince to come into Germany, with a view to terminate, in the approaching diet at Augsburg, the religious disputes that had produced such animosities and divisions in the empire. Charles, though long absent from Germany, and engaged in affairs that left him little leisure for theological disquisitions, was nevertheless attentive to these disputes, and foresaw their consequences. He had also, to his own deliberate reflections upon these disputes, added the councils of men of wisdom, sagacity, and experience, and was thus, at certain seasons, rendered more cool in his proceedings, and more moderate and impartial in his opinion both of the contending parties and of the merits of the cause. He therefore, in an interview with the pope at Bologna, insisted, in the most serious and urgent manner, upon the necessity of assembling a general council. His remonstrances and expostulations could not, however, move Clement VII. who maintained with zeal the papal

k Val. Ern. Loescheri Historia moluum inter Lutheranos et Reformatos, tom. i. lib. i. cap. vi. p. 143. Henr. Bullingeri Historia Colloquii Marpurgensis, in Jo. Conr. Fuesslin's compilation, entitled Beytragen zur Schweizer Reformat. Geschichte, tom. iii. p. 156. See also the preface, p. 80. Abr. Sculteti. Annal. Reformat. ad. A. 1529. Rudolph. Hospiniani Histor. Sacramentar. part ii. p. 72, &c.

prerogatives, reproached the emperor with an ill-judged clemency, and alleged that it was the duty of that prince to support the church, and to execute speedy vengeance upon the obstinate heretical faction, who dared to call in question the authority of Rome and its pontiff. The emperor was as little affected by this haughty discourse, as the pope had been by his wise remonstrances, and looked upon it as a most iniquitous thing, a measure also in direct opposition to the laws of the empire, to condemn unheard, and to destroy, without any evidence of their demerit, a set of men, who had always approved themselves good citizens, and had deserved well of their country in several respects. Hitherto, indeed, it was not easy for the emperor to form a clear idea of the matters in debate, since there was no regular system as yet composed, of the doctrines embraced by Luther and his followers, by which their real opinions, and the true causes of their opposition to the Roman pontiff might be known with certainty. As therefore it was impossible, without some declaration of this nature, to examine with accuracy, or decide with equity, a matter of such high importance as that which gave rise to the divisions between the votaries of Rome and the friends of the reformation, the elector of Saxony ordered Luther, and other eminent divines, to commit to writing the chief articles of their religious system, and the principal points in which they differed from the church of Rome. Luther, in compliance with this order, delivered to the elector, at Torgaw, the seventeen articles, which had been drawn up and agreed on in the conference at Salzbach in the year 1529, and hence they were called the articles of Torgaw. Though these articles were deemed by Luther a sufficient declaration of the sentiments of the reformers, yet it was judged proper to enlarge them; and, by a judicious detail, to give perspicuity to their arguments, and thereby strength to their cause. It was this consideration that engaged the protestant princes, assembled at Coburg and Augsburg, to employ Melancthon in extending these articles, in which important work he showed a due regard to the counsels

1 See Chr. Aug. Heumanni Diss. de lenitate Augustana Confess. in Sylloge Dissert. Theologicar. tom. i. p. 14. Jo. Joach. Muller Historia Protestationis; and the other writers who have treated either of the Reformation in general, or of the confession of Augsburg in particular.

of Luther, and expressed his sentiments and doctrine with the greatest elegance and perspicuity. And thus came forth to public view the famous Confession of Augsburg, which did such honour to the acute judgment and the eloquent pen of Melancthon.

tion in Sweden,

1530.

pro

xxx. During these transactions in Germany, the dawn of truth arose upon other nations. The light of The progress the reformation spread itself far and wide; and of the reformaalmost all the European states welcomed its salu- about the year. tary beams, and exulted in the prospect of an approaching deliverance from the yoke of superstition and spiritual despotism. Some of the most considerable vinces of Europe had already broke their chains, and openly withdrawn themselves from the discipline of Rome and the jurisdiction of its pontiff. And thus it appears that Clement VII. was not impelled by a false alarm to demand of the emperor the speedy extirpation of the reformers, since he had the justest reasons to apprehend the destruction of his ghostly empire. The reformed religion was propagated in Sweden, soon after Luther's rupture with Rome, by one of his disciples, whose name was Olaus Petri, and who was the first herald of religious liberty in that kingdom. The zealous efforts of this missionary were powerfully seconded by that valiant and public-spirited prince, Gustavus Vasa Ericson, whom the Swedes had raised to the throne in the place of Christiern, king of Denmark, whose horrid barbarity lost him the sceptre that he had perfidiously usurped. This generous and patriotic hero had been in exile and in prison, while the brutish usurper, now mentioned, was involving his country in desolation and misery; but having escaped from his confinement and taken refuge at Lubec, he was there instructed in the principles of the reformation, and looked upon the doctrine of Luther, not only as agreeable to the genius and spirit of the gospel, but also as favourable to the temporal state and political constitution of the Swedish dominions. The prudence however of this excellent prince was equal to his zeal, and accompanied it always. And, as the religious opinions of the Swedes were in a fluctuating state, and their minds divided between their ancient superstitions, recommended by custom, and the doctrine of Luther, which attracted their assent by the power of conviction and truth, Gustavus wisely avoided all vehemence

and precipitation in spreading the new doctrine, and proceeded in this important undertaking with circumspection, and by degrees, in a manner suitable to the principles of the reformation, which are diametrically opposite to compulsion and violence." Accordingly, the first object of his attention was the instruction of his people in the sacred doctrines of the Holy Scriptures, for which purpose he invited into his dominions several learned Germans, and spread abroad through the kingdom the Swedish translation of the Bible, that had been made by Olaus Petri." Some time after this, in the year 1526, he appointed a conference, at Upsal, between this eminent reformer and Peter Gallius, a zealous defender of the ancient superstition, in which these two champions were to plead publicly in behalf of their respective opinions, that it might thus be seen on which side the truth lay. The dispute, in which Olaus obtained a signal victory, contributed much to confirm Gustavus in his persuasion of the truth of Luther's doctrine, and to promote the progress of that doctrine in Sweden. In the year following, another event gave the finishing stroke to its propagation and success, and this was the assembly of the states at Westeraas, where Gustavus recommended the doctrine of the reformers with such zeal, wisdom, and piety, that after warm debates fomented by the clergy in general, and much opposition on the part of the bishops in particular, it was unanimously resolved, that the plan of reformation proposed by Luther should have free admittance among the Swedes." This resolution was princi

m This incomparable model of princes gave many proofs of his wisdom and moderation. Once, while he was absent from Stockholm, a great number of German Anabaptists, probably the riotous disciples of Munzer, arrived in that city, carried their fanaticism to the highest extremities, pulled down with fury the images and other ornaments of the churches, while the Lutherans dissembled their sentimants of this riot in expectation that the storm would turn to their advantage. But Gustavus no sooner returned to Stockholm, than he ordered the leaders of these fanatics to be seized and punished, and covered the Lutherans with bitter reproaches for not having opposed these fanatics in time.

In It is very remarkable, and shows the equity and candour of Gustavus in the most striking point of light, that while he ordered Olaus to publish his literal translation of the sacred writings, he gave permission at the same time to the archbishop of Upsal, to prepare another version suited to the doctrine of the church of Rome; that, by a careful comparison of both translations with the original, an easier access might be opened to the truth. The bishops at first opposed this order, but were at length obliged to submit.

Po It was no wonder indeed that the bishops opposed warmly the proposal of Gustavus, since there was no country in Europe where that order and the clergy in general drew greater temporal advantages from the superstition of the times than in Sweden and Denmark. The most of the bishops had revenues superior to those of

pally owing to the firmness and magnanimity of Gustavus, who declared publicly, that he would lay down his sceptre and retire from his kingdom, rather than rule a people enslaved to the orders and authority of the pope, and more controlled by the tyranny of their bishops, than by the laws of their monarch." From this time the papal empire in Sweden was entirely overturned, and Gustavus declared head of the church.

XXXI. The light of the reformation was also received in Denmark, and that so early as the year 1521, in consequence of the ardent desire discovered by In Denmark. Christian, or Christiern II. of having his subjects instructed in the principles and doctrines of Luther. This monarch, whose savage and infernal cruelty, whether it was the effect of natural temper, or of bad councils, rëndered his name odious and his memory execrable, was nevertheless desirous of delivering his dominions from the superstition and tyranny of Rome. For this purpose, in the year 1520, he sent for Martin Reinard, one of the disciples of Carlostadt out of Saxony, and appointed him professor of divinity at Hafnia; and after his death, which happened the year following, he invited Carlostadt himself to fill that important place, which he accepted indeed, but nevertheless, after a short residence in Denmark, returned into Germany. These disappointments did not abate the reforming spirit of the Danish monarch, who used his utmost endeavours, though in vain, to engage Luther to visit his dominions, and took several steps that tended to the diminution, and indeed to the suppression of the jurisdiction exercised over his subjects by the Roman pontiff. It is however proper to observe, that in all

the sovereign, they possessed castles and fortresses that rendered them independent of the crown, enabled them to excite commotions in the kingdom, and gave them a degree of power that was dangerous to the state. They lived in the most dissolute luxury and overgrown opulence, while the nobility of the kingdom were in misery and want. The resolution formed by the states, assembled at Westeraas, did not so much tend to regulate points of doctrine as to reform the discipline of the church, to reduce the opulence and authority of the bishops within their proper bounds, to restore to the impoverished nobility the lands and possessions, that their superstitious ancestors had given to an all devouring clergy, to exclude the prelates from the senate, to take from them their castles, and things of that nature. It was, however, resolved at the same time, that the church should be provided with able pastors, who should explain the pure word of God to the people in their native tongue; and that no ecclesiastical preferments should be granted without the king's permission. This was a tacit and gentle method of promoting the reformation.

p Bazii Inventarium Eccles. Sueco Gothor. published in 4to. at Lincoping, in 1642. Sculteti Annales Evangelii Renovati, in Von der Hart Histor. Liter. Reformat. part v. p. 84 et 110. Raynal, Anecdotes Hist. Politiques et Militaires, tom. i. part ii. p. 1, &e.