most frequented parts of the city. This was not to be endured. The archbishop and the mayor

led a body of troops to their chapel, to disperse the congregation. The congregation, headed by the priests, repelled the assailants: the archbishop, the mayor, and the military, had to save themselves by flight. An order now came from London for the seizure of sixteen religious houses for the king's use, and for the transfer of the Roman Catholic College to the Dublin University.

Affairs were in this position when Wentworth, afterwards Earl of Strafford, arrived as lord deputy in July, 1633. He came, resolved to break down all power in the country, Romanist or Protestant, to the king's will as absolute and universal law. Wentworth brought with him Dr. Bramhall, afterwards Bishop of Derry, a man sufficiently endowed with abilities and erudition, but whose ideas of doctrine and discipline were so consonant with those of Laud, that Oliver Cromwell afterwards called him the "Canterbury of Ireland."

A new influence was now brought to bear upon the Irish Established Church. Some of its first measures had reference to altering the place of the communion tables in the castle chapel and Christ Church cathedral, and ordering the Earl of Cork to take down a family monument lately erected at the east end of the choir in St. Patrick's. But its most important work was changing the Church's profession of faith. The Puritanic cast of the Irish Church greatly en

couraged the anti-Laud party in England. "If, therefore," writes Heylin, in his Life of Laud, "the archbishop meant to have peace in England, the Church of Ireland must be won to desert those articles, and receive ours in England in the place thereof." Heylin's description of the management by which the change was brought about, shows Jesuitism of a high order, and proves that the majority of the Irish clergy, with Usher at their head, in convocation at Dublin, were beguiled to adopt resolves contrary alike to their intentions and convictions. "Usher and his party," says Heylin, "found, too late, that by receiving and approving the English Articles, they had abrogated and repealed the Irish." "To salve this sore," Usher and some bishops of his opinion, at the next ordinations, required subscriptions to the Articles of both churches, which, however, was not required afterwards, through the inconsistency it involved. Usher next applied to the lord deputy to have the former Irish confession ratified anew by parliament; but the lord deputy threatened to have that confession burned by the common hangman; and, when nothing availed on the Irish side of the channel, assurances were sent to persons of distinction in England that the Irish Articles were not recalled. "But all this," Heylin somewhat exultingly records, "would not serve the turn, or save those articles from being brought under repeal by the present canon.” He intimates, that the abrogation of the Irish Articles which asserted the sanctity of the Lord's Day, removed an objection to

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his majesty's declaration about lawful sports on that day; and he quotes from Fuller, that "the Irish Articles, wherein Arminianism was condemned in terminis terminantibus, and the observation of the Lord's Day resolved Jure Divino, were utterly excluded."

Thus Laud triumphed over the Irish Church. The Dublin college was regulated with comparative ease. He was appointed its chancellor, and remodelled its constitution and statutes, so far as policy would allow, after his own mind. To make Laud's victory doubly sure, a court of High Commission was established in Dublin: a fit coadjutor to the court of Castle Chamber, or Irish Star Chamber, already existing.

From affairs ecclesiastical, arranged so ably for Laud by Bramhall, we now turn to affairs secular, not quite so well adjusted for Charles by Wentworth. In the parliament which sat during the convocation in 1634, the lord deputy obtained in the commons a vote of six subsidies, amounting in the whole to two hundred and forty thousand pounds: the vote was encumbered only with recommendations as to the modes in which the money should be applied. The lords were not quite so accommodating. They required a redress of "grievances" and a confirmation of the graces," particularly the one which limited the king's title to lands. Against their resolve Wentworth entered a protest, founded on an act called, from its author, Poyning's, which required that no bill should be proposed in the Irish parliament that had not been approved by the king in council.

An apparently trifling incident, but one which was really important, happened in the beginning of this parliament. To prevent danger from collisions of opinion which might arise in the heat of debate, an order had once been given that peers, on entering the house, should leave their swords with the usher of the black rod. Wentworth revived this order. The young Earl of Ormond presented himself at the door, but refused to comply with the usher's demand. The official insisted on his submission. Ormond replied, that if he must receive his sword it should be in his body; and, not waiting for permission, entered the house and took his seat. The lord deputy, highly incensed, summoned Ormond to answer for his conduct. "The young lord appeared, avowed his knowledge of the order, and his own wilful disobedience; but added, that he had received the investiture of his earldom per cincturam gladii, and was both entitled and bound by the royal command to attend his duty in parliament gladio cinctus. Wentworth," continues Leland, 66 was abashed and confounded. He consulted his friends whether he should at once crush or reconcile this daring spirit. They reminded him of the necessity of gaining some of the great personages of Ireland: of the power, connections, and capacity of the earl of the good disposition he had already discovered to the interests of the crown, and of his influence in the house of peers." These considerations weighed with Wentworth to attempt reconciling the refractory Ormond, who soon became a particular favorite at the Irish court, and

at the age of twenty-four had a seat in the privy council. Winning Ormond over to the king's party was a gain to Charles in Ireland, hardly second in value to Charles's alienating Wentworth from the popular side in England and attaching him to the royal cause.

"The splendor of the court of Dublin during the vice-royalty of Strafford," observes the Irish Quarterly Review, "far exceeded any thing before known in the city. Other deputies,' says the earl, in 1633, 'kept never a horse in their stables, put up the king's pay for their troop and company in a manner clear into their purses, infinitely to his majesty's disservice, in the example: I have threescore good horses in mine, which will stand me in twelve hundred pounds a year, and a guard of fifty men waiting on his majesty's deputy every Sunday, personable men and well appointed. Other deputies have kept their tables for thirty pounds a week: it stands me (besides my stable) in three score and ten pounds when it is at least.' The author of the Epistola Ho-Eliance, writing from Dublin during Strafford's vicegerency, says, 'Here is a most splendid court kept at the castle, and except that of the viceroy of Naples, I have not seen the like in Christendom; and in one point of grandeza the lord deputy here goes beyond him, for he can confer honors and dub knights, which that viceroy cannot, or any other that I know of. Traffick increaseth here wonderfully, with all kinds of bravery and buildings.' A tourist, who had travelled through Holland, the United Provinces, England, and Scotland, tells