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tinued to harass the Christians, who lived in || them to death in the most inhuman manner.* their neighbourhood, by perpetual acts of hostility and violence, by frequent incursions into

*Helmoldi Chron. Slavorum, lib. 1. cap. xvi. p.

their territories, and by putting numbers of : 52.-Adami Bremens. Histor. lib. ii. cap. xxvii.

PART II.

THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

CHAPTER I.

Concerning the State of Letters and Philosophy

during this Century.

losophy, and particularly the system of Aristoseveral learned and ingenious productions.* tle, which he embellished and illustrated in If we turn our eyes toward the Arabians, we shall find that they still retained a high degree of zeal for the culture of the sciences; as appears evidently from the number of physicians, mathematicians, and astronomers, who flourished among them in this century.t

III. The arts and sciences seemed, in some

I. THE declining condition of the Grecian empire was fatal to the progress of letters and philosophy. Its glory and power diminished from day to day under the insults and usurpations of the Turks and Saracens; and, while the empire suffered by these attacks from without, it was consumed gradually by the inter-measure, to revive in the west, among the nal pestilence of civil discord, by frequent se- clergy, at least, and the monastic orders; they ditions and conspiracies, and by those violent were not indeed cultivated by any other set revolutions which shook from time to time the of men; and the nobility, if we except such of imperial throne, and were attended with the them as were designed to fill certain ecclesiassudden fall and elevation of those who held tical dignities, or had voluntarily devoted the reins of government. So many foreign themselves to a religious solitude, treated all invasions, so many internal troubles, so many sorts of learning and erudition with indifferemperors dethroned, deprived the political ence and contempt. The schools of learning body of its strength and consistency, broke in flourished in several parts of Italy about the upon the public order, rendered all things pre-year 1050; and of the Italian doctors, who accarious, and, dejecting the spirits of the nation, quired a name by their writings or their acadamped the fire of genius, and discouraged the demical lectures, several removed afterwards efforts of literary ambition. There were, how-into France, and particularly into Normandy, ever, some emperors, such as Alexius Comne- where they instructed the youth, who had connus, who seemed to cherish and encourage the secrated themselves to the service of the drooping sciences, and whose zeal was second-church. The French also, though they aced by several prelates, who were willing to knowledge their obligations to the learned lend a supporting hand to the cause of letters. || Italians who settled in their provinces, exhibit, The controversies also that subsisted between the Greeks and Latins, impelled the former, amidst all their disadvantages to a certain degree of application to study, and prevented them from abandoning entirely the culture of the sciences. And hence it is, that we find among the Greeks of this century some writers, at least, who have deserved well of the republic of letters.

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at the same time, a considerable list of their countrymen, who, without any foreign succours, cultivated the sciences, and contributed not a little to the advancement of letters in this century; they mention also several schools erected in different parts of that kingdom, which were in the highest reputation, both on account of the fame of their masters, and the multitude of disciples that resorted to them.§ And, indeed, it is certain beyond all contradiction, that the liberal arts and sciences were cultivated in France, which abounded with learned men, while the greatest part of Italy lay as yet covered with a thick cloud of ignorance and darkness. For Robert, king of France, son and successor of Hugh Capet, disciple of the famous Gerbert (afterwards Sylvester II.,) and the great protector of the sciences, and friend of the learned, reigned

II. We pass in silence the poets, rhetoricians, and philologists of this century, who were neither highly eminent nor absolutely contemptible. Among the writers of history, Leo the grammarian, John Scylizes, Cedrenus, and a few others, deserve to be mentioned with some share of praise, notwithstanding the palpable partiality with which they are chargeable, and the zeal they discover for many of the fabulous records of their nation. But the greatest ornament of the republic of letters, at this time, was Michael Psellus, a man illustrious in every respect, and deeply versed in all the various kinds of erudition that were known in his age. This great man recommended warmly to his countrymen the study of phi-iii.

The sentence which begins with the words so many foreign, and ends with the words literary ambition, is added by the translator to render the connexion with what follows more evident.

* Leo Allatius, Diatriba de Psellis, p. 14, edit. Fabricii.

Hottinger, Histor. Eccles. Sæc. xi. p. 449.
Elmacini Historia Saracen. p. 281.--Jo. Henr.

See Muratori, Antiquitates Ital. medii ævi, tom.
p. 871.-Giannone, Historia di Napoli, vol. ii.

§ Histoire Literaire de la France, tom. vii. at the Introduction.-Du Boulay, Hist. Academ. Paris. tom. i. p. 355.-Le Bœuf, Diss. sur l'Etat des Sciences en France depuis la Mort du Roi Robert, which is published among his Dissertations sur l'Histoire Ecclesiastique et Civile de Paris, tom. ii. part i.

precision, many of the same branches of science, which the others had taught before them. The most eminent of these new masters were such as had either travelled into Spain with a view to study in the schools of the Saracens (which was extremely customary in this age among those who were ambitious of a distin

from the close of the preceding century to the year 1031,* and exerted upon all occasions the most ardent zeal for the restoration of letters; nor were his noble efforts without success. The provinces of Sicily, Apulia, Calabria, and other southern parts of Italy, were indebted, for the introduction of the sciences among them, to the Normans, who became their mas-guished reputation for wisdom and knowledge,) ters, and who brought with them from France the knowledge of letters to a people benighted in the darkest ignorance. To the Normans also was due the restoration of learning in England. William the Conqueror, a prince of uncommon sagacity and genius, and the great Mæcenas of his time, upon his accession to the throne of England in the year 1066, engaged, by the most alluring solicitations, a considerable number of learned men, from Normandy and other countries, to settle in his new dominions, and exerted his most zealous endeavours to dispel that savage ignorance, which is always a source of innumerable evils. The reception of Christianity had polished and civilized, in an extraordinary manner, the rugged minds of the valiant Normans: for those fierce warriors, who, under the darkness of paganism, had manifested the utmost aversion to all branches of knowledge and every kind of instruction, distinguished themselves, after their conversion, by their ardent application to the study of religion and the pursuits of learning.

IV. This vehement desire of knowledge, that increased from day to day, and became at length, the predominant passion of the politest European nations, produced many happy effects. To it, more particularly, we must attribute the considerable number of public schools that were opened in various places, and the choice of more able and eminent masters than those who had formerly presided in the seminaries of learning. Toward the conclusion of the preceding age, there were no schools in Europe but those which belonged to monasteries, or episcopal residences: nor were there any other masters, except the Benedictine monks, to instruct the youth in the principles of sacred and profane erudition. But, not long after the commencement of this century, the face of things was totally changed, in a manner the most advantageous to the cause of letters. In many cities of France and Italy, learned men, both among the clergy and laity, undertook the weighty and important charge of instructing the youth, and succeeded much better in this worthy undertaking than the monks had done, not only by comprehend ing in their course of instruction more branches of knowledge than the monastic doctors were acquainted with, but also by teaching in a better method, and with more perspicuity and

Robert succeeded Hugh Capet, and reigned thirty-five years.

† Daniel, Histoire de la France. tom. iii. p. 58.Du Boulay, Hist. Academ. Paris. tom. i. p. 636 et passim.

1 See Hist. Liter. de la France, tom. viii. p. 171."The English," says Matthew Paris, "were so il "literate and ignorant before the time of William "the Conqueror, that a man who understood the "principles of grammar, was universally looked upon "as a prodigy of learning."

or had improved their stock of erudition and philosophy by a diligent and attentive perua of the writings of the Arabians, of which a great number were translated into Latin; for with these foreign succours they were enabled to teach philosophy, mathematics, physic, astronomy, and the other sciences that are connected with them, in a much more learned and solid manner than the monks or such as had received their education from them alone.The school of Salernum, in the kingdom of Naples, was renowned above all others for the study of physic in this century, and vast numbers crowded thither from all the provinces of Europe to receive instruction in the art of healing: but the medical precepts which rendered the doctors of Salernum so famous, were all derived from the writings of the Arabians, or from the schools of the Saracens in Spain and Africa.* It was also from the schools and writings of the Arabian sages, that the absurd and puerile tricks of divination, and the custom of foretelling future events from the position of the stars, the features of the face, and the lines of the hand, derived their origin. These ridiculous practices, proceeding from so respectable a source, and moreover adapted to satisfy the idle curiosity of impatient mortals, were carried on in all the European nations and in process of time the pretended sciences of astrology and divination acquired the highest reputation and authority.

V. The seven liberal arts, as they were now styled, were taught in the greatest part of the schools that were erected in this century for the education of youth. The first stage was grammar, which was followed by rhetoric and logic. When the disciple, having learned these three branches, which were generally known by the name of trivium, extended his ambition, and was desirous of new improvement in the sciences, he was conducted slowly through the quadrivium to the very summit of literary fame. But this method of teaching, which had been received in all the western schools, was considerably changed toward the latter end of this century; for, as the science of logic, under which metaphysics were in part comprehended, received new degrees of perfection from the deep meditations and the assiduous industry of certain acute thinkers,

*Muratori, Antiq. Ital. tom. ii. p. 935.-Giannone, Hist. di Napoli, tom. ii. p. 151. Freind's History of Physic. It is well known, that the famous precepts of the school of Salernum, for the preservation of health, were composed in this century, at the request of the king of England.

The trivium was a term invented in the times of barbarism to express the three sciences that were first learned in the schools, viz. grammar, rhetoric, and logic; and the schools in which these sciences alone were taught, were called triviales. The quadrivium comprehended the four mathematical sciences,-arithmetic, music, geometry, and astro

nomy.

and was taught with more detail and subtilty || barren, as long as it was drawn from no other than in former times, the greatest part of the source than the ten categories falsely attributstudious youth became so enamoured of this ed to St. Augustin, or from the explications of branch of philosophy, as to abandon grammar, the Aristotelian philosophy, composed by Porrhetoric, and all the other liberal arts, that they phyry and Averroes. These, however, were might consecrate their whole time to the dis- the only guides which the schools had to folcussion of logical questions, and the pursuit low in the beginning of this century; nor had of metaphysical speculations. Nor was this the public teachers either genius or courage surprising, when we consider, that, according enough to enlarge the system, or to improve to the opinion which now prevailed in the re- upon the principles of these dictators in philopublic of letters, a man who was well versed sophy, whose authority was treated as infalliin dialectics, i. e. in logical and metaphysical ble, and whose productions, for a long time, knowledge, was reputed sufficiently learned, were regarded as perfect, to the great detriand was supposed to stand in need of no other ment of true science. But, about the year branches of erudition.* Hence arose that con- 1050, the face of philosophy began to change, tempt of languages and eloquence, of the more and the science of logic assumed a new aspect. elegant sciences, and the fine arts, which spread This revolution began in France, where several its baneful influence through the Latin pro- of the books of Aristotle had been brought vinces; and hence that barbarism and pedantic from the schools of the Saracens in Spain; and sophistry which dishonoured, in succeeding it was effected by a set of men highly renownages, the republic of letters, and deplorably ed for their abilities and genius, such as Bercorrupted the noble simplicity of true theolo- enger, Roscellinus, Hildebert, and after them gy, and the purest systems of philosophical by Gilbert de la Porree, the famous Abelard, wisdom. and others. These eminent logicians, though VI. The philosophy of the Latins, in this they followed the Stagirite as their guide, took century, was absolutely confined within the the liberty to illustrate and model anew his circle of dialectics, while the other philosophi-philosophy, and to extend it far beyond its ancal sciences were scarcely known by name.f This dialectic, indeed, was miserably dry and

cient limits.

VII. The philosophers of this age, who were most famous for their zealous and success

* See Boulay, tom. i. p. 408, 511.-This is too likely to become the prevailing taste even in our times: ful endeavours to improve the science of logic, but it is an ancient taste, as we may easily perceive, and accommodate it to general use, were Lanby casting an eye upon the literary history of the franc, an Italian by birth, (who was abbot of eleventh century; and to confirm still farther the St. Stephen's at Caen, and was thence called truth of the vulgar saying, that there is nothing new under the sun, we shall quote the following passage by William the Conqueror to the see of Canfrom the Metalogicum of John of Salisbury, a writerbury,) Anselm his successor, and Odo, whose ter of no mean abilities, lib. i. cap. iii. Poeta, last promotion was the bishopric of Cambray. historiographi, habebanter infames, et si quis incum- Lanfranc was so deeply versed in this science, bebat laboribus antiquorum, notabatur ut non modo asello Arcadiæ tardior, sed obtusior plumbo vel la-that he was commonly called the Dialectician; pide, omnibus erat in risum. Suis enim, aut magis and he employed with great dexterity the subtri sui, quisque incumbebat inventis.-Fiebant ergo tilties of logic in the controversy which was summi repente philosophi: nam qui illiteratus accesserat, fere non morabatur in scholis ulterius quam carried on between him and the learned Bereneo curriculo temporis, quo avium pulli plumescunt. ger, against whom he maintained the real preSed quid docebant novi doctores, et qui plus somnio- sence of Christ's body and blood in the holy rum quam vigiliarum in scrutinio philosophiæ consumserant? Ecce nova fiebant omnia: innovabatur sacrament. Anselm, in a very learned diagrammatica, immutabatur dialectica, contemnebatur logue, throws much light upon the darkness rhetorica, et novas totius quadrivii vias, evacuatis and perplexity in which the science of logic priorum regulis, de ipsis philosophiæ adytis profere had been so long involved; and, among other bant. Solam convenientiam sive rationem loqueban- things, he investigates, with no small sagacity, tur, argumentum sonabat in ore omnium-ac ineptum nimis aut rude et a philosopho alienum, impos- the nature of substance, and mode or quality, sibile credebatur convenienter et ad rationis normam in order to convey more just notions of these quicquam dicere aut facere, nisi convenientiæ et rationis mentio expressim esset inserta." Many more metaphysical entities than had been hitherto passages of this nature are to be found in this au- entertained.* This great prelate, who shone with a distinguished lustre in several branches of literature both sacred and profane, was the first of the Latin doctors who dispelled the clouds of ignorance and obscurity that hung over the important sciences of metaphysics and natural theology, as appears from two books of his composition, wherein the truths concerning the Deity, which are deducible from the mere light of nature, are enumerated and explained with a degree of sagacity which could not well be expected from a writer of this century. He was the inventor of that famous argument, vulgarly and erroneously attributed to Des-Cartes, which demonstrates the existence of God from the idea of an infi

thor.

We shall, indeed, find many, in the records of this century, honoured with the title of Philosophers. Thus we hear of Manegoldus the Philosopher, Adalardus the Philosopher, &c. But we must not attri bute to that term, when applied to these grammarians, the sense which it bore among the ancient Greeks and Latins, and which it still bears in our times. In the style of what we call the middle ages, every man of learning, of whatever kind his erudi tion might be, was called a philosopher; and this title was also given to the interpreters of Scripture, though that set of men were, generally speaking, destitute of true philosophy. See the Chronicon Sa lernitanum in Muratori's collection Scriptor. Re rum Italicar. tom. ii. part ii. cap. cxxiv. p. 265, where we are told, that in the tenth century, in which the sciences were almost totally extinguished in Italy, there were thirty-two philosophers at Benevento. We learn, however, by what follows, that these philosophers were partly grammarians, and partly persons who were more or less versed in certain liberal arts.

*This dialogue, de Grammatico, is to be found in the works of Anselm, published by father Gerberon, tom. i. p 143

nitely perfect Being naturally implanted in the || pleaded in behalf of their cause the respectamind of man, and which is to be found, with- ble suffrages of Aristotle and Porphyry. The out exception in the breast of every mortal. former were called Realists, on account of The solidity of this argument was, indeed, their doctrine, and the latter Nominalists, for called into question, almost as soon as it was the same reason. The contending parties proposed, by Gaunilo, a French monk, whose were, in process of time, subdivided into variobjections were answered by Anselm, in a trea- ous sects, on account of the different modes tise professedly written for that purpose.* Odo, in which many explained the doctrine that was the third restorer of logic whom we mention- the badge and characteristic of their sect.* ed above, taught that science with the great- This controversy made a prodigious noise in est applause, and illustrated it in three learned all the schools throughout Europe during maproductions, which have not survived the ruins ny succeeding ages, and often produced unhapof time.† py contentions and animosities between philoVIII. The restoration of logic was imme- sophers and divines. Some are of opinion, diately followed by a vehement dispute be- that it derived its origin from the disputes between its restorers and patrons, concerning the tween Berenger and his adversaries, concernobject of that science; such was the term em- ing the eucharist; a notion which, though it ployed by the contending partics. This con- be advanced without authority, is by no means troversy, which was long agitated in the schools, destitute of probability, since the hypothesis of was in its nature extremely trivial and unim- the Nominalists might be very successfully emportant: but, considered in its consequences, it ployed in defending the doctrine of Berenger, became a very serious and weighty affair, concerning the sacrament of the Lord's supper. since the disputants on both sides made use of IX. The Nominalists had for their chief a their respective opinions in explaining the doc-person named John, who, on account of his trines of religion, and reciprocally loaded each logical subtilty, was surnamed the Sophist, other with the most odious invectives and the which is the only circumstance we know of most opprobrious accusations. In one point his history. His principal disciples were Roonly they were unanimous, acknowledging that bert of Paris, Roscelin of Compiegne, and logic or dialectic had for its essential object the Arnoul of Laon, who propagated his doctrine consideration of universals in their various re- with industry and success; to whom we may lations and points of comparison, since par- add, with some probability, Raimbert, the masticular and individual things, being liable to ter of a famous school at Lisle, who is said, acchange, could not be the objects of a sure and cording to the quibbling humour of the times, immutable science. But the great question to have read nominal logic to his disciples was, whether these universals, which came while Odo (whom we have already had occawithin the sphere of logical inquiries, belonged sion to mention) instructed his scholars in realto the class of real things, or that of mere de- ity.§. The most renowned of all the nominal nominations. One set of these subtile disput*The learned Brucker (in his Historia Critica Phiants maintained, that universals were undoubt-losophiæ, tom. iii. p. 904) gives an ample account of ed realities, and supported their hypothesis by the sect of the Nominalists, and enlarges upon the nature and circumstances of this logical contest: he the authority of Plato, Boetius, and other analso mentions the various writers, who have made cient sages; the other affirmed, that they were this sect and its doctrine the object of their researches. mere words and outward denominations, and Among these writers, the principal was John Salabert, presbyter in the diocese of Agen, who, in 1651, published a treatise entitled Philosophia Nominalium Vindicata. This book, which is extremely rare, has been seen by none of the authors who have writ ten professedly concerning the sect of the Nominalists. A copy of it, taken from the manuscript in the French king's library, was communicated to me, from which it appears, that Salabert, who was cer tainly a very acute and ingenious logician, employed his labour rather in defending the doctrine of the Nominalists, than in giving an accurate account of their sect. There are, however, several things to be found in his book, which are far from being generally known, even among the learned.

Gaunilo's Treatise is to be found in the works of Anselm, with the answer of that learned prelate. As Anselm makes such a shining figure in the literary history of England, it will not be improper to add here a more ample account of his character and writings than that which is given by Dr. Mosheim. His life and manners were without reproach, though his spiritual ambition justly exposed him to censure. His works are divided into three parts. The first contains his dogmatical tracts, and begins with a discourse concerning the Existence of God, the Divine Attributes, and the Trinity. This dis course is called Monologia, because it is drawn up in the form of a soliloquy. In this first part of the works of Anselm, there are many curious researches upon subjects of a very difficult and mysterious na. ture, such as the Fall of Satan, the Reason why God created Man, the doctrine of Original Sin, and the Manner of its Communication to Adam's Posterity, the Liberty of the Will, and the Consistency of Freedom with the Divine Prescience. The second and third parts of the writings of this eminent prelate contain his practical and devotional perform ances, such as Homilies, Poems, Prayers, &c. and his Letters, which are divided into four books.

The titles of these three treatises are as follow: de Sophista, de Complexionibus, de Re et Ente. The learned Heriman, in his Narratio Restaurationis Ab

batiæ Sti. Martini Tornacensis, which is published in M. D'Acheri's Spicilegium Scriptor. Veter. tom. ii. p. 889, speaks of Odo in the following honourable manner: "Cum Odo septem liberalium artium esset peritus, præcique tamen in dialectica eminebat, et pro ipsa maxime clericorum frequentia eum expetebat."

† Du Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris. tom. i. p. 443.Ger. du Bois, Histor. Ecclesiæ Paris. tom. i. 770.

1 This account we have from the unknown author of the Fragmentum Historiæ Francicæ a Roberto Rege ad Mortem Phillippi I. which is published in Du Chesne's Scriptores Historia Francica, tom. iv. His words are as follow: "In dialectica hi potentes extiterunt sophistæ, Johannes, qui artem sophisti cam vocalem esse disseruit," &c.-Du Boulay conjectures that this John the Sophist was the same person with John of Chartres, surnamed the Deaf, who was first physician to Henry I. king of France, and had acquired a great degree of renown by his genius and erudition. The same author tells us, that John had for his master Giraldus of Orleans, who was an incomparable poet, and an excellent rhetorician; but he advances this without any proof. Mabillon, on the other hand, in his Annal. Benedict. tom. v. sup. poses, that John the Nominalist was the same person who made known to Anselm the error of Roscel linus concerning the Three Persons in the Godhead.

§ The passage in the original is: "Qui dialecticam

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philosophers of this age was Roscelin: hence || gates; assumed the authority of supreme arbimany considered him as the chief and founder of that sect, and he is still regarded as such by several learned men.

CHAPTER II.

Concerning the Doctors and Ministers of the Church, and its Form of Government, during this Century.

ters in all controversies that arose concerning religion or church discipline; and maintained the pretended rights of the church against the encroachments and usurpations of kings and princes. Their authority, however, was confined within certain limits; for, on one hand, it might not arrogantly aim at civil dominion; was restrained by sovereign princes, that it and, on the other it was opposed by the bishops' themselves, that it might not rise to a spiritual despotism, and utterly destroy the liberty and privileges of synods and councils.* From the time of Leo IX. the popes employed every method which the most artful ambition could suggest, to remove these limits, and to render their dominion both despotic and universal. They not only aspired to the character of supreme legislators in the church, to an unlimited jurisdiction over all synods and councils, whether general or provincial, to the sole distribution of all ecclesiastical honours and benefices, as being divinely authorized and appointed for that purpose; but they carried their insolent pretensions so far as to give themselves out for lords of the universe, arbiters of the fate of kingdoms and empires, and supreme rulers over the kings and princes of the earth. Before Leo. IX. no pope was so enormously im

I. ALL the records of this century loudly complain of the vices that reigned among the rulers of the church, and, in general, among all the sacerdotal orders; they also deplore that universal decay of piety and discipline, which was the consequence of this corruption in a set of men, who were bound to support, by their example, their authority, and their instructions, the sacred interests of religion and virtue. The western bishops were no sooner elevated to the rank of dukes, counts, and nobles, and enriched with ample territories, than they gave themselves up entirely to the dominion of pleasure and ambition, and, wholly employed in displaying the magnificence of their temporal stations, frequented the courts of princes, accompanied always with a splendid train of attendants and domestics. The inferior or ders of the clergy were also licentious in their own way; few among them preserved any re-pudent as to claim this unbounded authority, mains of piety and virtue, we might add, of decency and discretion. While their rulers were wallowing in luxury, and, basking in the beams of worldly pomp and splendour, they were indulging themselves, without the least sense of shame, in fraudulent practices, in impure and lascivious gratifications, and even in the commission of flagitious crimes. The Grecian clergy were less chargeable with these shocking irregularities, as the calamities under which their country groaned, imposed a restraint upon their passions, and gave a check to their licentiousness. Yet notwithstanding these salutary restraints, there were few examples of piety and virtue to be found among them.

or to assume the power of transferring territories and provinces from their lawful possessors to new masters. This pontiff gave the example of such an amazing pretension to his holy successors, by granting to the Normans, who had settled in Italy, the lands and territories which they had already usurped, or were employed in forcing out of the hands of the Greeks and Saracens. The ambitious views, however, of the aspiring popes were opposed by the emperors, the kings of France, by William the Conqueror, who was now seated on the throne of England, and was the boldest assertor of the rights and privileges of royalty against the high claims of the apostolic see,

*The very learned Launoy (in his Assertio contra Privilegium Sti. Medardi, part ii. cap. xxxi. op. tom. ii, has given us an accurate account of the ecclesiastical laws, and of the power of the hierarchy, during this century, which he collected from the let ters of pope Gregory VII. from which account it appears, that Gregory, ambitious as he was, did not pretend to a supreme and despotic authority in the church.

xiv. p. 553, tom. v. Scriptor. Ital. Muratori. The † See Gaufr. Malaterra, Hist. Sicula, lib. i. cap. translator has here incorporated the note (s) of the

II. The authority and lustre of the Latin church, or, to speak more properly, the power and dominion of the Roman pontiffs, rose in this century to the highest point, though they rose by degrees, and had much opposition and many difficulties to conquer. In the preceding age the pontiff's had acquired a great degree of authority in religious affairs, and in every thing that related to the government of the church; and their credit and influence increas-original into the text. ed prodigiously toward the commencement of this century. For then they received the pompous titles of masters of the world,' and popes, i. e. universal fathers; they presided also every where in the councils by their leclericis suis in voce legebat, quum Odo in re discipulis legeret. See Herimannus, Histor. Restaurationis Monasterii Sti. Martini Tornacens. in D'Acheri's Spicileg. Vet. Scriptorum, vol. iii. p. 889.

See, among other examples of this episcopal grandeur that of Adalbert, in Adam. Bremens. lib. iii. cap. xxiii. p. 38, lib. iv. cap. xxxv. p. 52. that of Gunther, in the Lectiones Antiquæ of Canisius, tom. iii. part i. p. 185, and that of Manasses, in Museum Italicum of Mabillon, tom. i. p. 114. Add to all these Muratori's Antiq. Ital. medii Evi, tom. vi.

p. 72.

See Eadmeri Historia Novorum, which is pub lished at the end of the works of Anselm, archbishop

of Canterbury. It is proper to observe here, that, if it is true on one hand, that William the Conqueror opposed, on many occasions, with the utmost vehemence and zeal, the growing power of the Roman pontiffs, and of the aspiring bishops, it is no less certain, on the other, that, to accomplish his ambitious views, he, like many other European princes, had recourse to the influence of the pontiffs upon the minds of the multitude, and thereby nourished and encouraged the pride and ambition of the court of Rome. For, while he was preparing all things for his expedition into England, he sent ambassadors to pope Alexander II. “in order (as Matthew Paris says, Hist. Major. lib. i.) to have his undertaking approved and justified by apostolical authority; and the pope, having considered the claims of the contending parties, sent a standard to William as

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