government: its deserts invite us to independence. Here there is no high nobility, no high church dignities. Our wealth was almost nothing, and at present it is even less. Although the church possesses influence, it is far from aspiring to dominion, satisfied with its own preservation. Without this assistance, tyranny can never be permanent; and if some ambitious characters exert themselves to raise empires, the example of Dessalines, Christophe, and Itur bide tells them what awaits them. There is no power so difficult to maintain as that of a new dynasty. Buonaparte, the conqueror of all that opposed him, was not able to overturn this rule, stronger even than empires. And if the great Napoleon was not able to hold up against the league of republicans and aristocrats, who could found monarchies in America, on a soil illuminated with the brilliant flame of liberty, which consumes the materials of which those royal scaffolds are to be constructed? No, Legislators, do not fear pretenders to the Crown; it would be on their heads like the sword hanging over Dionysius. Those founders of modern dynasties, who are blind enough to construct thrones on the ruins of liberty, will raise tombs to their ashes, which will inform future generations how they preferred their insane ambition to liberty and glory. The constitutional authority of the president of Bolivia is the most restricted of any that is known; he only names those employed in the departments of finance, of peace and war; he commands the army. This is the extent of his powers, The administration is entirely given to the ministry, who are responsible to the censors, and object to the jealous vigilance of all the members of the legislature, the magistrates, judges and citizens. The Custom-house officers and the soldiery, the only agents of this ministry, are not, indeed, the most likely to engage popular favour on their side; their influence, therefore, will be nothing. The Vice-president is the magistrate most fettered by restraints that ever held command; he obeys conjointly the legislature and the Executive of a republican government. From the former he receives laws; from the latter orders; and between these two barriers he has to proceed in a path beset with difficulties and surrounded by precipices. Notwithstanding these inconveniences, to govern thus is preferable to absolute power. These constitutional barriers strengthen his political conscience, and afford him well-grounded hopes of meeting with a light to guide him among the rocks by which he is surrounded; they act as a support against the assaults of our passions in concert with the self-interest of others. In the government of the United States it has been latterly the practice to choose the prime minister to succeed the president. Nothing is so judicious in a republic as this; it has the advantage of placing at the head of the administration a person experienced in the affairs of government. When he enters upon the exercise of his functions, he goes prepared, and carries with him the breeze of popularity and a practical knowledge of business. I have taken advantage of this idea, and I have established it as a law. The president of the Republic appoints the vice-president, that he may govern the state, and succeed him in the command. By this means, the period of elections is avoided, which is productive of that great scourge to republics anarchy, the luxury of tyranny, and the most dreadful as well as most immediate danger which threatens popular governments. By this means also this dreaded crisis passes over in republics the same as in legitimate monarchies. The vice-president must be a man of consummate integrity: for if the first magistrate does not se lect an upright citizen, he must fear him as his most dangerous enemy, and be in constant sus picion of his ambitious designs. The vice-president must endeavour to deserve by his services that confidence which is necessary to enable him to carry into effect the duties of his high office, and to hope to obtain his great reward from the nation-the supreme command. The legislative body and the people will exact capacity and talents from this magistrate; and will require his blind obedience to the laws of liberty. Hereditary succession is what principally tends to perpetuate monarchical institutions, and makes them so general throughout the world; how much more advantageous is the order of succession I have proposed for the vice-president? If the heirs of princes were chosen by their merits, and not by chance; and instead of remaining in activity and ignorance they were placed at the head of the administration; they would doubtless become more enlightened monarchs, and would be the delight of their subjects. Yes, Legislators, those monarchical in stitutions which govern the world, found their claims to approbation on the order of hereditary succession which makes them stable, and on union which makes them strong. For this it is, that although a sovereign prince is a spoiled child, shut up in his palace, educated by flattery, and a victim to his passions; this prince, whom I will venture to call the laughing-stock of mankind, governs a portion of his fellow-creatures, because he preserves order in the state of things, and subordination among his subjects by the immutability of his power and the steadiness of his policy. Consider, Legislators, that these great advantages are united in a president for life and an hereditary vice-president. The judicial power which I propose, is most completely independent; no where is it so much so. The people present the candidates, and the legislature chooses those who are to fill the seat of justice. Unless the judges derive their origin from the people, it is impossible to preserve in all its purity this safeguard to the rights of individuals. These rights it is, Legislators, which constitute liberty, equality, security, all the guarantees of social life. The truly free constitution is written in the civil and criminal codes; and the tyranny most to be dreaded is that exercised by the tribunals in the name of the laws. Generally, the Executive is but the depositary of the common weal; but the tribunals are the arbitrators of what is our own, of the property of individuals. The judicial power is the measure of the prosperity or misery of the people; and if there be liberty, if there be justice in the republic, it is distributed by it. The political organization, provided the civil be perfect, is sometimes of little con sequence; let the laws be religiously fulfilled; let them be as inexorable as fate. According to the opinions of the day, we of course have prohibited the rack and extorted confessions; we have also cut of the prolongation of law-suits in the intricate labyrinth of appeals. The territory of the Republic is governed by prefects, governors, corregidors, judges of the peace, and alcaldes. My limits have not allowed me to enter into a detail of their organization and of the extent to be given to the jurisdiction of each; it is however my duty to present to the Congress some regulations concerning the government of the departments, and provinces. Bear in mind, Legislators, that nations are composed of cities and cottages; and that on the welfare of these depends the felicity of the state. You can never pay too much attention to the good government of the departments. This point is of the utmost importance in the science of legislation; it is, notwithstanding, too much overlooked. The armed force has been divided into four parts-the troops of the line, the navy, the national militia; and the military corps of Custom-house officers. The duty of the troops of the line is to defend the frontier. God forbid that they should turn their arms against their fellow-citizens! The national militia is sufficient to preserve internal tranquillity. Bolivia does not possess an extensive coast; a navy, therefore, would be useless; some day, notwithstanding, we may have both one and the other. A corps of Custom-house officers under military discipline, is in every respect preferable to simpleCustomhouse officers; this service is more immoral than superfluous; it is, therefore the interest of the Republic to guard its frontiers with troops of the line, and with troops of Custom-house officers against the machinations of fraud. I have proposed that the constitution of Bolivia should be reformed at certain periods, according to the movements of the intellectual world. The steps to be followed in the introduction of reforms have been laid down as I have thought most advisable. The responsibility of persons in public situations is laid down in the constitution of Bolivia in the most explicit terms. Without responsibility, without restraint, the state becomes a chaos. I venture to urge strongly the members of the legislature to pass the strictest and most definite laws upon this important subject. Every one talks about responsibility, and there it ends. There is no responsibility, Legislators: the magistrates, judges, and public officers abuse their authority, because the agents of the government are not under rigorous restraint; and the people, in the mean time, are the victims. I would recommend the passing of a law which should direct every person employed under government to give annually an account of his conduct. The most complete guarantees have been established; civil liberty is the only true liberty; the rest are merely nominal, or have but little influence on the condition of the people. Personal security, which is the object of man's entering into society, and from which the others emanate, has been guaranteed. With respect to that of property, it will depend upon the civil code, to the composition of which you ought immediately to dedicate your talents, for the benefit of your fellow-citizens. I have preserved intact the law of laws-equality; without it, all our guarantees, all our rights are null. To it we must sacrifice every thing. At its shrine I have immolated the infamous laws of slavery. Legislators! Slavery is an infraction of every law. The law which recognized it would be most sacrilegious. What right can be alleged for its continuance? Look upon this crime in every point of view, and I am satisfied there is not one inhabitant of Bolivia so depraved as to pretend to justify this most scandalous violation of the dignity of man. One man to be owned by another! A man to become property! God's image put to the yoke like a beast! Tell me where is to be found a defence of these usurpers of man? Guinea cannot furnish it, for Africa, laid waste by fratricide, only presents a field of crime. The remains of those African tribes having been transplanted here, what power can sanction the right of property over these vic tims? To transmit, to prolong, to eternalize this crime, mingled with torments, is an outrage revolting to our nature. To found a right to possession upon the most savage delinquency, could never be imagined without overturning every element of justice, without the most determined perversion of every idea of our duties. No one can destroy the sacred doctrine of equality: and can slavery exist where equality is proclaimed ? Such contradictions would be taken as evidence of our want of sense, rather than of justice; we should be considered more as madmen than as robbers. If there did not exist a God, the protector of innocence and liberty, I would prefer the condition of the lion, ranging uncontrolled the desert and the forest, to that of a captive at the mercy of a mean tyrant, who, an accomplice of his crimes, will provoke the anger of Heaven: but no; God has destined man for freedom; he protects him, that he may exercise the heavenly gift of free will. CHILI-ADDRESS of FREIRE to the NATIONAL CONGRESS, at its Opening, July 6. Gentlemen-Having, after much toil and fatigue, overcome the dangers which threatened us, how grateful is my heart to behold, united in this august Assembly, the Representatives of the Chilian people. The hopes of the nation are reposed in this assembly, and on it depend, from henceforward, its destinies. In your wisdom and your patriotism is fixed the public confidence; to me they are the strongest guarantee of your future conduct, and a surety that no ob stacle, of whatsoever magnitude or nature, will delay the progress of your march, until you have accomplished the immense undertaking of a new social regeneration. * * * In spite of the enlightened principles, and great and elevated idea, of the constitution formed by the congress of 1823, it was not possible, from one cause or other, to resist the clashing of public opinion, nor the force of the general will of the people, who, impelled, sequence; let the laws be religiously fulfilled; let them be as inexorable as fate. According to the opinions of the day, we of course have prohibited the rack and extorted confessions; we have also cut of the prolongation of law-suits in the intricate labyrinth of appeals. The territory of the Republic is governed by prefects, governors, corregidors, judges of the peace, and alcaldes. My limits have not allowed me to enter into a detail of their organization and of the extent to be given to the jurisdiction of each; it is however my duty to present to the Congress some regulations concerning the government of the departments, and provinces. Bear in mind, Legislators, that nations are composed of cities and cottages; and that on the welfare of these depends the felicity of the state. You can never pay too much attention to the good government of the departments. This point is of the utmost importance in the science of legislation; it is, notwithstanding, too much overlooked. immoral than superfluous; it is, therefore the interest of the Republic to guard its frontiers with troops of the line, and with troops of Custom-house officers against the machinations of fraud. I have proposed that the constitution of Bolivia should be reformed at certain periods, according to the movements of the intellectual world. The steps to be followed in the introduction of reforms have been laid down as I have thought most advisable. The responsibility of persons in public situations is laid down in the constitution of Bolivia in the most explicit terms. Without responsibility, without restraint, the state becomes a chaos. I venture to urge strongly the members of the legislature to pass the strictest and most definite laws upon this important subject. Every one talks about responsibility, and there it ends. There is no responsibility, Legislators: the magistrates, judges, and public officers abuse their authority, because the agents of the government are not under rigorous restraint; and the people, The armed force has been di- in the mean time, are the victims. vided into four parts-the troops I would recommend the passing of of the line, the navy, the national a law which should direct every militia; and the military corps of person employed under governCustom-house officers. The duty ment to give annually an account of the troops of the line is to de- of his conduct. fend the frontier. God forbid that they should turn their arms against their fellow-citizens! The national militia is sufficient to preserve internal tranquillity. Bolivia does not possess an extensive coast; a navy, therefore, would be useless; some day, notwithstanding, we may have both one and the other. A corps of Custom-house officers under military discipline, is in every respect preferable to simpleCustomhouse officers; this service is more The most complete guarantees have been established; civil liberty is the only true liberty; the rest are merely nominal, or have but little influence on the condition of the people. Personal security, which is the object of man's entering into society, and from which the others emanate, has been guaranteed. With respect to that of property, it will depend upon the civil code, to the composition of which you ought immediately to |