תמונות בעמוד

verb: e. g. 66 897 gayon? 'faithful (was) he'= LOTÒs ñv, 611 772 NI 'he (was) kneeling' = ñv káurrtwv.

Aramaic is richly supplied with demonstrative Pronouns. The following, with their Greek renderings, may be noticed.

7??? denā 'this', fem. *7 , plur. c. ?x 'illēn, Dan. and Ezr. passim. Targums '? dên, fem. *7 ; strengthened by demonstrative prefix hā-, 1977 hādên, fem. 277 hādā = Syriac ljá hini (contracted from d®nå), fem. Jså hådē; plur. c. 1287 hā'illên= Syriac pa á hållên. m?? both as pronominal subs. and adj. is regularly rendered oüros in Dan. and Ezr. (in a few cases of adj. use it is represented by the definite article only).

127 dikkēn this, that ', c., Dan. 231 727 apps ý cikwv ékeim (LXX and m.), Dan. 720.21 27 83?2 rò répas ékeîvo (LXX, c.). Plur. c. x illēkh, Dan 312.21-23, 612.16 (also found in Ezr.).

To this corresponds in Ezr.: 13 đèkh, fem. Tỹ dakh this”. ; R22 % TóÀs excova, Ezr.

.; * TóẠus aT, 416b; } , SapBayào Ke@vos, 516; 1; NH! Tò &prov ékeîvo, 59; 77 % na, (ròr) oikov toll Geoll ékeîvov, 5-7, 67.8, oikov beow, 6'2.

In addition, we find in Talmudic Aramaic #977 hāhú = 'that' or ‘that one' (i.e. 3rd personal pronoun hứ + demonstrative particle ), contracted in Syriac into oa hau (Pal. Syr. also ola), fem. hāhî (also '87), contracted in Syriac into ó hải (Pal. Syr. also ola), plur. non hānhó, Syriac m. á hånnûn, fem. hånnên. This usage is not found in the Aramaic of Dan. and Ezr., though we may notice the use of the Personal Pronoun in Dan. 232 xp 897 'that image' (explained as Nom. pendens—'it—the image '). This is remarkably like εκείνος το Πνεύμα της αληθείας in Jn. 168, an expression which amounts to 'that Spirit of truth' or 'the Spirit, &c.' (. ? . express the definite article, e. g. lovis ola = o äv@pwros.)

There can be no question that where ékeivos is used adjectivally it would naturally be represented by 8970. Thus 453 ékelvy úpa would appear in the Jerus. Talmud as xnyv 872 (Cur., Pesh, woo Je, but Pal. Syr. Ada oh). When used substantivally as subject—especially when reinforcing a Nom. pendens (cf. p. 64)— it is probable that ékeīvos represents the Personal Pronoun 197; but there are other cases in which it looks much like a reproduction of 1977. Pal. Syr. represents it by od (ola) in 3"", 535, 7", 911.12;

to ܗ̇ܐܘ This version at times uses .ܗ̇ܐܘ ܪܘܚܐ ܕܩܘܫܛܐ


. Syr)

.(ܕܗܘ .Cur) ܠܟܬܒܘ̈ܗܝ ܕܗ̇ܘ

om) ܐܢ ܠܗܿܢܘܢ ܐܡ̣ܪ ܐܠܗ̈ܐ

Pesh. by oo in 330, 5:35.43-47, 7", 84, 928.36, 101:35, 1325.26, 142. We may note especially the rendering of oblique cases by Pesh. in the following passages :

3.0 kelvov del avěávelv = loited No oo oo (Cur. om ond) 543 éveîvov añupeode = ladach ooit (so Cur.) 57 τους εκείνου γράμμασιν ? (. ). 928 où uabntùs el ékeivov = coir amedhoo (Sin. om. ooi?). το35 ει εκείνους είπεν θεούς =

(. .). In cases such as these the idiomatic force of the Aramaic demonstrative satisfactorily accounts for the Greek usage. Again, the phrase ékelvós éotiv, rendered on oo - lit. 'that one (is) he'-in 13°6, 14”, is one in which in would naturally be employed.

We thus reach the following conclusions as to the pronouns which we have been considering : Substantival use

arros = ha.
čkeĉvos = and hāhú.
ουτος :

= hādên. Adjectival use

otros = dên, do , or hadên.
ékeivos = dikkēn, dēkh, or hāhủ.

The Relative completed by a Pronoun.

The Aramaic relative particle '?, originally, as

we have already remarked (p. 70), a demonstrative that one'- is invariable, and, like the Hebrew relative properly forms a link connecting two co-ordinate sentences. For expression of the implied relation it is therefore necessary to complete the sense of the Relative particle by a Pronoun or Pronominal suffix in the clause which it introduces. Thus e.g. such a statement as, “I saw the man to whom I gave the book 'has to be expressed in Semitic in the form, 'I saw the man who I gave the book to him'. There are several instances in Jn. in which the Greek copies this Semitic construction. 18 'Εγένετο άνθρωπος ... όνομα αυτά Ιωάννης.

όνομα αυτά Ιωάννης. Here the relative

connexion is implied and not directly expressed. So 3'. On the thoroughly Semitic character of this particular idiom cf. p. 30.

11 ου εγώ ουκ ειμι άξιος να λύσω αυτού τον ιμάντα του υποδήματος.

13 Εφ' όν αν ίδης το Πνεύμα καταβαίνον και μένον επ' αυτόν = Pal. Syr. va Jiano JAω μου , 27, lit. He who thou seest the Spirit descending and abiding upon him ’.

936 Και τις έστιν, κύριε, ίνα πιστεύσω εις αυτόν ; Here ίνα is a mis. translation of the relative ?; cf. p. 76.

1336 Εκείνός εστιν ώ εγώ βάψω το ψωμίον και δώσω αυτώ. Peculiarly Aramaic—m!? 2011 nạn np yay7 817 81777 'That is he dě I shall dip the sop and give it to him', i.e. 'to whom I shall give the sop when I have dipped it'.

18' Oυς δέδωκάς μοι ούκ απώλεσα εξ αυτών ουδένα.

Wellhausen (Einleitung, p. 15) cites two instances of this construction from Mk., viz. I' ου ουκ ειμι ικανός κύψας λύσαι τον ιμάντα των υποδημάτων αυτού, and 725 ης είχεν το θυγάτριον αυτής πνεύμα ακάθαρτον, besides three cases from the text of D in Mt. 10", 1820, Lk. 812. *

Pronominal constructions peculiar to Aramaic. It is peculiarly idiomatic in Aramaic to anticipate a genitive by use of a possessive pronominal suffix attached to the antecedent. Thus the Aramaic of Dan. writes His name of God' (2-0), in their days of those kings '(2'), 'ate their pieces of the Jews' (i.e. slandered them, 38), his appearance of the fourth (325), &c. ; Ρal. Syr. in Jn. I writes their light of mankind' (v.), 'its news of the light' (vv. -), 'in His bosom of the Father' (v. 18), his witness of John' (v. 19), &c.

There appears to be but one instance of this in the Greek of Jn., but this is so striking that it should surely count for much in estimating the theory of translation from Aramaic. In 918 we read τους γονείς αυτού του αναβλέψαντος, his parents of him that had received sight'. This appears naturally in Pal. Syr. as obow? Το φως. Cf. Mk. 622 εισελθούσης της θυγατρός αυτού (v. 1. αυτής) της Ηρωδιάδος, which is clearly an attempt to reproduce the Aramaic construction 071m97 mm her daughter of Herodias', i. e. 'the daughter of H.' (noted by Allen, St. Mark, ad loc.).

* He also cites Mt. 312 Lk 36, ου το πτύoν εν τη χειρί αυτού, upon the assumption that oύ is reinforced by εν τη χειρί αυτού, “In whose hand is the fan’ (not • Whose fan, &c.'); but this is very doubtful.

Another peculiarly Aramaic idiom is the anticipation of the direct object of a verb by a pronominal suffix. Thus in Jn. 1913 Pal. Syr. renders wome. lued at ud. he brought Him (viz.) the Lord Jesus', 1916 com.lived 0:?! 'they led Him the Lord Jesus', 19" and she now he pierced it His side'.* An example of this idiom is seen in the Greek of Jn. 913 "Ayovou αυτόν προς τους Φαρισαίους τον ποτε τυφλόν = Ρal. Syr. ο. ο

o : .


.ܠܘܬ ܦܪܝܫܝ ܠܗܘ ܕܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܩܘܕܡ ܡܥܘܪ

in בה בליליא ,(512
.was found in him in Daniel


1 השתכחת בה בדניאל

* No cases of the direct object of a verb so anticipated are found in Biblical Aramaic. We find the anticipatory pronoun, however, in such phrases as

' (. , it in the night', i.e. “in the same night' (Dan. 550), snownnns by viky ombor 'they sent to him to Artaxerxes' (Ezr. 411). A few cases of the construction are found in Hebrew : cf. Brockelmann, Vergleich. Gramm. der semit. Sprachen, ii. 227.

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The Historic Present = Aramaic use of the Participle.

The Historic Present is extremely frequent in Jn. The occurrences are as follows:

άγουσιν, 913, 1898.
αποκρίνεται, 1213, 1326.38.
βάλλει, 135.
βλέπει, 129, 2015, 2120 ; βλέπουσιν, 21°.
δίδωσιν, 1326, 2018.
εγείρεται, 13.
έρχεται, 47, 18, 12225 , 135, 183, 213.
ευρίσκει, 111.43.45, 514.
θεωρεί, 206.12.14 ; θεωρούσιν, 619.
λαμβάνει, 1326, 2013.
λέγει, 121.29.36 -6.8

,, 76.50, 839, 91?,, 124.2,, 184.5.17 δισ.26.38 bis, 202.13.15 δισ.16bis. ter.16ter.17 δία. 19.21.2 ; λέγουσιν, 97, 118.31, 12, 1630, 2018, 21'. μαρτυρεί, 15. νεύει, 1334. τίθησιν, 13. τρέχει, 20'. φαίνει, Ι. φησιν, 1829. φωνεί, 2.

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This list gives a total of 164 occurrences. * The figures for the Synoptists, as given by Sir John Hawkins (HS. pp. 143 ff.), are,

* Sir John Hawkins gives the figure as 162 (besides two cases preserved in Tischendorf in 1129). He has, however, kindly lent his MS. list to the present writer, who has added φαίνει 15 (which may be open to dispute) and δίδωσιν 2118.

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