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leads the man of genius into those tracks where the proper ideas Jurk, and not only enables him to discover them, but by a kind of inftin&ive infallibility prevents him from turning aside to wander in improper roads, or to spend his time in the contemplation of unapposite ideas. As the bee extracts from such Aowers as can supply them, the juices which are proper to be converted into honey, without losing its labour in sipping those juices which would be pernicious, or in examining those vegetables which are useless ; so true genius discovers at once the ideas which are conducive to its purpose, without at all thinking of such as are unnecessary, or would obstruct it.'


ART. II, The Administration of the British Colonies. Part the Second.

Wherein a Line of Government between the supreme Jurisdiction of Great Britain and the Rights of the Colonies is drawn, and a Plan of Pacification is suggested, &c. By Thomas Pownal, late Governor, &c. of Massachusetts-Bay and South-Carolina. 8vo.

2 s. 6d. Walter. 1774. O UR Author in the first part of this work *, considered the

relations between Great Britain and the Colonies; proceeding, as he observes, from those principles, by the vigour of which, all free communities are governed within themselves, to the examination and discussion of the external relation in which the colonies, as communities of Englishmen in partibus exteris, stood to the sovereign power of the kingdom of Great Britain. And pursuing this inquiry by an analysis of the circumstances under which they emigrated, and the principles on which these communities were in fact settled,' he found them to be de faclo & de jure counties palatine, established on the precedent of the county palatine of Durham.' And then by an examination of the procedure of the realm of England towards these kind of principalities, he found they were bound to perform towards the empire of England all services which arise from the duty of subordinate parts of it, to maintain the union, safety, and vitality of the whole: Yet that in the case of aids and subsidies which are of free will, they could not in the strict legal acceptation of their rights, be bound by the gifts and grants of the representatives of the realm not representing them,' and he produced cases wherein, when they excepted to the being thus bound, they were held excused and free therefrom.' And as government had afterwards ad. mitted these principalities to a representation in parliament, he from this precedent endeavoured to recommend an union of all the parts of the British dominions into a one whole, an organized body, animated by a free will extending to all.' And this he recommended as the only means of preventing' an Ame

See Review, vol. xxxix. p. 323.


erge) from Dupport of th a representer Amer

rican union, distinct from, and independent of Great Britain." Our Author prefumes, that the people of America would at one time have been pleased with a representation in the Britith parliament, and in support of this opinion, he cites a letter, (printed at large) from Dr. Franklin to the late Governor Shirley, written December 22, 1754, in answer to a proposal made to him on that fubject by the Governor. We are likewise favoured with the following opinion of the late Mr. Grenville, on the same fubject, in a letter from that statesman to Governor Pownal, dated • Wotton, July 17, 1768.'

" As to the great question of our parliament's granting to America a competent number of representatives to fit in our house of commons, you are no stranger to the declarations I repeatedly made in the house at the time when the repeal of the stamp-act was agitated; that if such an application should be properly made by the colonies to parliament, in the same manbanner as those which were made from Chester and Durham, and probably from Wales, it would, in my opinion, be intitled to the most serious and favourable consideration. I continue ftill in the same sentiments, but I am much afraid that neither the people of Great Britain nor those of America are sufficiently apprised of the danger which threatens both, from the present state of things, to adopt a measure to which both the one and the other seem indisposed.

- The fullest conviction of its neceffity, and the hearty concurrence both of the government and people are indispenfably necefTary to set so great a machine in motion, as that of uniting all the out-lying parts of the British dominions into one system,”

Our Author supposing the people of America to be now as little disposed to the union in question, as those of Great Bri. tain, and consequently despairing of this his otherwise favourite measure, proceeds in this second part of his work, to form a line between the supremacy of parliament and the rights of the colonies on a different basis; and this he proposes as a line of pacification. -- If we are to treat, says he, there must be some line to which our negociations are co have reference : if we are to fight, there must be some line which shall bound and be the end even of our victories. And as the foundation of this part of his work, he maintains that if states permitting or promoting emigrations, suffer the emigrants to settle on lands belonging to other states, they suffer the allegiance of such emigrants to be transferred to that state.'- If they suffer them to settle in locis vacuis, and to acquire a separate dominium, they then Suffer them to become a community fui juris, which was the precise case of the Grecian colonies.'--' But if these colonists settle on lands which, in partibus exteris, are (according to the usage and law of nations) the dominions of that state from

whence whence they came forth ; then, although these colonists should be permitted to form separate and distinct communities, to establish governments having sovereign jurisdiction within the limits of their own corporation; yer being settled on the lands, and within the dominions, although external dominions of the parent ftate; these colonies remain under a certain relation of allegiance to its general and supreme imperium.' And this latter he gives as a descriprion of the state and circumstances of the colonies in America, taking it for granted, that the lands on wbich they are settled were, prior to such settlement, part of the dominion and property of the realm of England: a proposition which, with regard to the more ancient colonies, we think cannot be proved. For it is universally acknowledged that dif. covery, the only title that any European state could allege to the lands of America, affords no just claim to any but dereli&t or uninhabited lands, which those of America were not. It had indeed been suggested by papal ingenuity, in more superstitious ages, that grace was the only just foundation of dominion ; that Chriftians alone had a right to inherit the earth; and that un. believing nations ought to be regarded as unjust possessors of the countries where their Creator had placed them. And fuch were the pretences on which Pope Eugene the Fourth, in 1440, granted Africa to Alphonso king of Portugal; and on the same pretences, Pope Alexander the Sixth, and several European princes, afterwards disposed of the countries of America. ---But all diftin&ions between the temporal rights of christian and infidel nations having been long since exploded, it may, we think, be safely affirmed, that the states of Europe by whom the first grants of American territory were made, had neither in equity, nor in the laws of nature or of nations, any right to make such disposals. And we have abundant evidence, that the first Eng. lith emigrants to America, considered their respective grants from the crown; not as valid titles to the soil of that country, but as instruments affording a kind of nominal sanction, or as they termed it, a right of pre-emption, under which they might afterwards, without moleftation, proceed to acquire a real title, from the original natives, by purchase, treaty, settlement, and cultivation.

Having thus loosened our Author's foundation, the superAtructure resting upon it might easily be overthrown-but being convinced that his work has been undertaken from benevolent motives, we (hall avoid such violence, and proceed to review the building itself.

Taking it for granted, therefore, that the colonies were settled on territories belonging to the realm, and consequently that they ought to be subordinate to its supreme authority, our Author proceeds to fix the precise limits of this subordination

by by a definition of what he terms colonial government. This, he fays, • fo far as it respects the acts of the colony operating within its own jurisdiction, on its own body, and in matters respecting its own rights only, is internal, and as such, and so far forth, is absolute and sovereign ;' but, 'on the other hand, the fupreme sovereign power of the mother country, hath a right to actuate and exert even up to the very bounds of the line of the jurisdiction of the colonies, provincial or external government ;' (by which he understands a government depending on force) to make all regulations whatsoever, and to impose all such duties and customs on the tranfit of goods, paffing the boundaries of its jurisdi&tion, as the economy and neceffities of the state shall require.' And he afterwards limits the boundaries of colonial jurisdiction, within low water mark in their respective harbours, &c. Whatever passes this mark he subjects to taxation or confifcation at the pleasure of parliament, and thus deprives the colonists of the benefits not only of the rea, which has been deemed the common property of mankind, but also of the rivers and harbours belonging to their own peculiar jurisdictions. And yet he has no where given us any satisfactory reason or authority for making this precise limitation at the point of low water, or indeed at any other determinate boun. dary. Narrow however as these limitations are, all the freedom and security which our Author at first bestowed on the colonists within those limits, are perfectly annihilated by another part of his system, where ne maintains, that in extraordinary cafes, and whenever the colonies exceed the proper limits of obedience, parliament has a right to interpose and supersede their respective governments, even so far as to govern them by force, and to transport supposed offenders from America to Great Britain for trial and punishment. On these propositions (parJiament alone having a right to judge of the expediency of such interpofitions) all those acts which are now opposed as grievous by the colonies, and every other which may be hereafter enacted, will be justifiable; and therefore we may conclude that our Author's plan of pacification will not pacify the people of Ame. jica ; at least, not uouil they shall have abandoned those principles which support their present opposition.-Suppofing then that this plan should not be acceptable, no other, according to our Author, remains than either that the colonies be ada mitted into the parliament of Great Britain by a general British union, or that they have a parliament of their own under an American union.'- There is (says he) no other part in the alternative than that they be put either in the situation of Scotland or in that of Ireland.'

The rest of our Author's performance consists chiefly of reparks on the Peonsylvania instructions, which are censured as


far as they oppose his ideas of colonial government. He has, however, delivered some good observations, though we cannot adopt his general system, which seems to be little more than a creature of imagination; as no instance of colonial government, such as he has described it, ever existed, that we recolle&t, in any nation either ancient or modern: nor has he alleged any thing analogous to it, except the supremacy of the Deity and the supposed free-will of mankind.


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ART. III. A new System of Husbandry. From Experiments never be

fore made public. With Tables shewing the Expence and Profit of each Crop. How to stock Farms to the best Advantage. How the Crops are to follow each other by Rotation. Of Trenchplowing, shewing how to raise good Crops without Manure. On breeding and feeding Cattle. Of a new-discovered cheap Food for Cattle. A Description of a most valuable moving Sheep-house for eating Turnips on the Ground. Of Cabbage Hubandry. Of the naked Wheat, &c. Of all sorts of Manures, Marles, &c. With choice Receipts for the Cure of all Sorts of Cattle. By C. VARLO, Esq. The Fourth * Edition. 8vo. 3 Vols. 15 s. Boards, Bew. 1774. IN the introduction, the Author informs us, that what is here I offered to the Public, is merely a compendium and abstract of matters of fact, of personal experiments and observations, for a number of years; and that he hath here delivered the produet of what he has gleaned, with the varying allowances and respective instructions, touching the difference of climate, cul. ture, and soil.

Mr. Varlo first treats of a method of Trench-plowing for turning one furrow upon another] by which, he affirms, any sort of ground may be kept in perpetual good order, so as to produce good and clean crops for ever, without any other asfistance of fallow or manure than what itself produces.' Any common plow, without altering, will tụrn the first furrow, and all that is wanted in the next (for there must be two plows used at the same time) is only to add to the mould. board a caftoff board, in order to raise the second furrow over the firft.'The manner of making this addition to the plow, he particularly describes, and says it may be done for fix. pence: we look in vain, however, for a satisfactory confirmation of all this, on the authority of EXPERIENCE, which is here wanting,

Chap. v. explains the advantages of the Author's new-invented theep-houses, for eating turnips in the field. The size

• The former Editions were never (ftri&tly speaking) published, any otherwise than by subscription; and were chiefly sold by the Author, and bis agents, in their peregrinations round the country,


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