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desolation and slaughter. I tremble, and my blood retires to my hcart at the prospect of such amazing anguish and misery. The sun and the moon begin already to be darkened, and the stars to withdraw their shining, O all-pitying Heaven! Preserve me! Preserve my friends! Preserve my country! Art. 28. Free Thoughts on the Proccedings of the Continental Con
gresi, held at Philadelphia, Sept. 5th, 1774. By a Farmer. New. York printed. London reprinted. 8vo. 1 s. Richardson and Urquhart.
This farmer of New-York is very unlike the farmer of Pennsyl. van a, boih in style and sentiments. He endeavours, by the most feifish, interested considerations, to engage the farmers of that province to oppose the resolutions of the continental congress ; representing that the non-exportation agreement will deprive them of foreign markets for their produce, and that the non-importation agreement will raise the price of such European goods as they may . have occasion to purchase. Art. 29. A Complairit to the of , against a Pamphlet,
intituled, • A Speech intended to have been spoken on the Bill for altering the Charters of the Colony of Massachuset's Bay *' avo. is. White.
Barcot.. : Our complainant is very angry with the benevolent Author of the fpeech in queition ; again't which he declaims with much warmth and some invective; but he is so far from having offered any subftantial objections to support his complaint, that we can find noching in it of fufficicnt weight or folidity to merit a serious refutation. Bost Art. 30. Three Letters to a Member of Parliament, on the Sub.
jed of the present Dispute with our American Colonies. 8vo. Fs. od. Lowndes.
These letters are written in support of an opinion, that the pleas fes up in juftification of our violent proceedings against our American brethren cannot be delended on constitutional ground,' lo coing which, our Author is led into a consideration of the nature of Dritith rights, and of the extents of parliamentary authority ; and though those subjects have been so often handled in the course of our American dispute, he has adduced some facts and arguments that will deserve attention. In his second letter he gives a particular account of the measure adopted by king Edward III. of summoning representatives from Ireland to fit in the English house of commons; and he afterwards observes, upon this measure, that the king's súbi jedts of Ireland had protested, ' That they were not bound to send representatives to the parliament in England ; that it was repugnant to their iiberties and customs ; for they bad not agreed to any such ftipulation at the time of their first settlement there : and although. out of reverence to the royal pleasure, they at last send representatives, yet they delegate no authority of imposing any tax or burthen upon them, but reserve that point entirely to their own determination. No fupremacy of taxation was contended for, nor even so much as claimed over them, by the parliament at Weltminster.
* See Review for July laft, f:70.
yer, if that parliament had been conscious of holding any such right, they would undoubtedly have enacted a law for levying sublidies in Ireland. But neither the king nor his great councii appear to have dreamt that any fuch pretention could be set up, or that any such right exifted. On the contrary, the English houfe of commons complain to his majelty of the burthens which the government of Ireland had thrown on them. The king sends a requisition to the Irish parliament, to provide for their own exigencies, and to grant him an aid. On their refusal, he summons them to elect represence ! atives to fit and vote in his English house of commons, in order that their consent to the subsidies he required might be obtained in this channel. The Irish declare against this, as a grievance, an inno. vation; and say they are not bound to send representatives to the English parliament: and why? not on the plea of remote situation, for they were near neighbours; but certainly because they claimed to be legally and rightfully represented and taxed in their own parliament only. The same kingly prerogative, which introduced a parliament into Ireland, introduced it likewise into all our American colonies (Canada excepted). These American parliaments have, from their firit establiment, claimed, and most of them exercifed, legislation according to the law and cuftom of the English parliament: in them the subjects there, like the fubjects in Ireland, have taxed themselves, either to provide for the exigencies of their government, or with aids to the crown. Nor are the inhabitants of those colonies more bound than the Irish to obey the king's writs of summons, and to send representatives acrofs the sea to fit and tax them in the parliament at Westminster, unless a new compaet is formed, by entering into which they may volantarily oblige themselves to do so. I say nothing of the comparatively few voices on American questions arising in the houfe, even if they were to send representatives ; of the large majority of votes to overbear them ; or of the policy of the Scotch at the Union, who, foreseeing the like contingence, took care to insert, in the compact they entered into, a special clause, ascertaining in perpetuum what proportion their land. tax should bear to that of South Britain.'
In a subsequent part of this performance, the Author endeavours particularly to refuse a late Pamph!et, intituled, • The Interest of the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain, in the present Contest with her Colonies, &c.' Of which we gave some account in our last Review.
B.... . Art. 31. A Letier to the Right Hon. Lard M
o , on the Affairs of America; from a Member of Parliament. 8vo. 1 $. Almon.
This letter is said to be addressed to Lord M - 'because (among other reasons) it is the public opinion that his advice has of late so fatally influenced the measures of adminiltration.'-The following thort extract may enable our Readers to judge of the merits of this performance.
• Whatever may have been the ideas of those your Lordship chiefly conversed with during the summer, yet among the various orders of men I met with, the cause of America grew every day more and more
popular ; new doubts arose concerning the authority of the British parliament to tax the colonies at all : those who had leisure and opportunity to inquire into the principles of our own and other Gothic conftitutions, thought there was evident ground to conclude, that the legislative power was distinct from the power of taxation. They reasoned farther, to the fame conclusion from the several formalities ftill kept up in the mode of originating and passing bills of supply.
It was alked, why could the lords neither propose nor alter moneybills and the answer was obvious, because they are not the representatives of the people. It was observed, that in many parts of Germany, even in the electorate of Hanover, though the council of ftate made laws, it was the diet which granted fupplies : hence it was inferred, (I leave your Lordship to judge how naturally) that the notion which I fear obtains still with the majority of both houses, viz, of the supremacy of parliament, comprehending taxation, had arisen merely from the accidental union of two diftinct powers in the same hands.
« The power of making all laws whatever, whereby money is not levied upon the subject, belongs equally to both houses of parliament; both houses forming together under the sovereign, one council of state ; but the power of raising subsidies, the commons are as jealous of as ever; and I confess, my Lord, it is my own opinion they ought to be so ; because subsidies are not the dues of the crown, but the benevolence of the people. Can it be said the power of raising taxes in the British parliament extends to Ireland? Did it extend to the counties palatine in England, before their representatives fat in the house of commons ? Did it extend to the clergy, till in consideration of their freeholds they were admitted to vote in elections: Had not Calais its representatives, while a part of ous dominion? On what pretence, or by what precedent chen, say the friends of the Americans, does this power extend to them?
In answer to our Author's question, whether the counties pala, tine were taxed before their representatives fat in the house of commons,' it is scarce necessary to observe that Cbefter had originally its own peculiar parliament, exercising the exclusive powers of legisla. tion and taxation.—That when in the reign of Henry VI, the English parliament granted a subsidy, which was attempted to be levied in that county, as well as in other parts of England, the inhabitants remonstrated against it as an innovation and a grievance ; in conse. quence of which the King forbad the collection of the tax.-Afterwards however the people of Chester were taxed without being represented in the parliament of England: but in the act 34 and 35 Hen. VIII. for allowing them representatives, the circumstance of their having been fo taxod was expressly declared to have been a grievance, and ' derogatory unto the most ancient jurisdi&ions, liberties, and privileges of the said county palatine,' as well as prejudicial to the commonwealth, quietness, rest, and peace of the inhabitants; and perhaps a more direct affirmation of the necessity of representation to julify taxation was never made by parliament,
Art. 32. Thoughts on the present Contest between Administration and
the British Colonies in America ; addressed to the Merchants of the City of London, and all the Sea-ports, trading and manufacturing Towns, in Great Britain and Ireland. 8vo. 1S. Browne.
This Writer is a warm advocate for the people of America ; but few of his thoughts are new and peculiar to himself. B..nt. Art. 33. Extraits from the Votes and Proceedings of the American
continental Congress, held at Philadelphia on the 5th of Sept. 1774. ..
8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Almon. . Art. 34. Fournal of the Proceedings of the Congress, &c. 8vo.
15. 6d. Dilly, &c. The two preceding articles together comprehend the whole pro. ceedings of the late American congress, particularly the bill of rights, lift of grievances, association, address to the people of Great Britain, memorial to the inhabitants of the British American colonies, address to the inhabitants of the province of Quebec, and minutes of occasional resolves, and other proceedings, together with the peti. tion to the King; the greater part of which have been so generally dispersed and read, that any remarks from us are now become unne. cessary. We shall therefore only observe, chat from the implicit obedience which is paid in all the British American colonies to the associations of their congress, princes and legislators may learn to know how important it is that all their laws thould be conformable to the sentiments of the people for whom they are made, and whose welfare ought to be the sole end of all government.-.We here see on the one hand, the determinations of an assembly without the smallest power or legal authority, obtaining the most perfect obedience through an extensive and populous country, and over a numerous people, whose private interefts would lead them universally to disobey these determinations; whilft, on the other, we see that an act of parliament made profeffedly for better regulating the Government of Malacbufets-Bay, and supported by a considerable military and naval force, is not only disobeyed, but is become the means of suspending all legal government in that province.
B-art. Art: 35. An Addrefs to the People of England, Scotland, and Ireland,
on the present important Crisis of Affairs. By Catharine Macau. ley. . 8vo. 6 d. Dilly.
This well-meant effufion of public zeal is chiedy directed against a late performance intitled The Patriot.
· Boret. Art. 36. Authentic Papers from America : fubmitted to the dis.
passionate Consideration of the Public. 8vo. Is. Becker.
This collection contains the several American petitions previous to
GFeat Britain and her North American Golonies, &c. 8vo. 6 d.
never communicated it to the public, no loss would have been for tained, as it contains nothing that is likely ever to be adopted. Bu Art. 38. Justice and Policy. An Essay on the increasing Growth
and Enormities of our Great Cities. Shewing the Breaches thereby occafioned in the Constitution; and to place it on a more firm Basis, by uniting Ireland, instead of exchanging Religion for Trade.“ Also a Descant on the present State of the Nation in regard to America, &c. &c. . By a Freeholder in Ireland, and a Stockholder in England. Part II*. 8vo. 1s. Dilly, &c. 1774.
This honest Hibernian politician, with all his good intentions, still answers the character we heretofore gave of him; the present publication being as loose and rambling, as indigested and crude, as the fore mer. Peshaps a person who conceives and thinks without method, finds his teeming head often overloaded, and brings forth merely to give himself ease; in which view, though the Offspring be little worth, the parent may nevertheless be congratulated on his safe deli. very from his burden.
N Art. 39. England's true Interest, in the Choice of a new Paro
liament, &c. By a Friend to true Liberty. 8vo. 6 d. Richard son and Urquhart. 1774.
This should have been noticed a month or two ago; but it escaped our collector. It contains advice to the freeholders,—too good to be minded. It is not this way that votes are gained or loft.
and reducing Obfervations of the Planets. By the Rev. Nevil
In this volume, we are presented with observed transits of the stars and planets over the meridian and zenith distances, for a series of almost five years, viz. from May 1765 to the close of the year 1769; to which are added 56 tables for astronomical purposes. We learn, from the dedication to the King, prefixed to this work, that his Ma: jesty has commanded the observations of the Astronomer-Royal to be annually published under the inspection of the president and council of the Royal Society.
those commonly received, though contradi&ory Notions, that
The puff in the title-page will hardly establish the credit of this futile performance on a very abftrufe, metaphysical subject. R ..
• For the first part, see Rev. vol. xlviii. p. 152. .
• .. on METAPHYSICS,