תמונות בעמוד
PDF
ePub

rica has been governed. And his Majefty relies upon your prudence and fidelity for fuch an explanation of his measures, as may tend to remove the prejudices which have been excited by the mifrepresentations of those who are enemies to the peace and prosperity of Great Britain and her colonies; and to re-establish that mutual confidence and affection, upon which the glory and fafety of the British empire depend."

[ocr errors]

Upon this Mr. Burke obferves, Here, Sir, is a canonical book of ministerial fcripture; the general epiftle to the Americans. What does the gentleman fay to it? Here a repeal is promifed; promifed without condition; and while your authority was actually refifted. I pafs by the public promife of a Peer relative to the repeal of taxes by this houfe. I pafs by the ufe of the king's name in a matter of fupply, that facred and referved right of the commons. I conceal the ridiculous figure of parliament, hurling its thunders at the gigantic rebellion of America; and then five days after, proftrate at the feet of thofe affemblies we affected to defpife; begging them, by the intervention of our minifterial fureties, to receive our fubmiffion; and heartily promifing amendment. Thefe might have been ferious matters formerly; but we are grown wifer than our fathers. Paffing, therefore, from the conftitutional confideration to the mere policy, does not this letter imply, that the idea of taxing America for the purpose of revenue is an abominable project; when the miniftry fuppofe none but falious men, and with feditious views, could charge them with it? does not this letter adopt and fanctify the American diftinction of taxing for a revenue? does it not formally reject all future taxation on that principle? does it not state the minifterial rejection of fuch principle of taxation, not as the occafional, but the conftant opinion of the king's fervants? does it not fay (I care not how confiftently), but does it not say, that their conduct with regard to America has been always governed by this policy? It goes a great deal further. Thefe excellent and trufty fervants of the king, juftly fearful left they themselves fhould have loft all credit with the world, bring out the image of their gracious fovereign from the inmost and most facred fhrine, and they pawn him, as a fecurity for their promifes." His Majefly relies on your prudence and fidelity for fuch an explanation of his measures." Thefe fentiments of the minifter, and thefe measures of his Majefty, can only relate to the principle and practice of taxing for a revenue; and accordingly Lord Botetourt, ftating it as fuch, did with great propriety, and in the exact fpirit of his inftructions, endeavour to remove the fears of the Virginian affembly, left the fentiments, which it feems (unknown to the world) had always been thofe of the minifters, and by which their conduct in refpect to America had been governed, fhould by fome poffible revolution, favourable to wicked American taxers, be hereafter counteracted. He addreffes them in this manner. It may poffibly be objected, that as his Majelly's prefent adminiftration are not immortal, their fucceffors may be inclined to attempt to undo what the prefent minifters fhall have attempted to perform; and to that objection I can give but this anfwer: that it is my firm opinion, that the plan I have ftated to you will certainly take place, and that it will never be departed from; and fo determined am I for ever to abide by it, that I will be content to be declared infamous, if I do not, to the last hour of Rev. Jan. 1775.

G

my

my life, at all times, in all places, and upon all occafions, exert every power with which I either am, or ever fhall be legally invested, in order to obtain and maintain for the continent of America that fatisfaction which I have been authorised to promife this day, by the confidential fervants of our gracious fovereign, who to my certain knowledge rates bis bonour fo high, that he would rather part with his crown, than preferve it by deceit.'

From hence, and from the confequent repeal of the duties, which our Author proves could not have been made from commercial princi ples, he concludes that the miniftry have openly and folemnly avowed the inexpediency of taxing America, and fays, I hope nobody in this houfe will hereafter have the impudence to defend American taxes in the name of miniftry. The moment they do, with this letter of attorney in my hand, I will tell them in the authorised terms, they are wretches,' with factious and feditious views; enemies to the peace and profperity of the mother country and the colonies, and fubverters of the mutual affection and confidence, on which the glory and fafety of the British empire depend.'

the

Quitting the narrow ground, our Author next enters upon hiftorical difcuffion of paft tranfactions, and after reviewing the va rious acts of parliament made before 1764, and affecting America, he affirms that they were all founded upon the principle of commercial monopoly, and that a parliamentary revenue from America was never once in contemplation;' (it was indeed mentioned by Governor Bernard in 1765, as 'an innovation,' as what was quite new to the people,' and as what they were unable to bear.) He confiders the ftate of commercial fervitude and civil liberty,' in which until that time they had lived not as perfect freedom,' but as that, which comparing it with the ordinary circumftances of human nature, was an happy and a liberal condition.-The meafure of obtaining a revenue from America originated with Mr. Grenville, and fays our Author, great was the applaufe of this measure here. In England we cried out for new taxes on America, whilst they cried out that they were nearly crushed with those which the war and their own grants had brought upon them.'

After fome very pertinent remarks on the measure of paffing the ftamp act, Mr. Burke enters upon a very full expofition of the motives and circumftances attending its repeal, under the adminiftration of Lord Rockingham and his affociates. This part of his fpeech affords a variety of important information, and conftitutes a very ample vindication of the conduct of that administration, in a meafure, upon which very different opinions have been entertained. He proves by the most authentic evidence, that the oppofition in America was univerfal in every colony before the repeal. That fuch op. pofition did not arife from a knowledge of any change in the king's minifter, as has been afferted (the very letters from the governors and commanders in America, which gave accounts of those difturb ances being directed to the earl of Halifax, because they were ignorant of the change in queftian); and that the repeal of the ftamp. act fully answered the ends propofed, and justified the measure itfelf, because the most perfect tranquility immediately fucceeded, and continued for fome time in every colony.

Mr.

Mr. Burke, after refuting feveral other falfehoods that had been induftrioufly circulated, proceeds to review, and feverely reprehend the fucceeding measures of government refpecting America; and concludes with ftrong admonitions in favour of a milder, and as he thinks, more equitable fyftem of policy. The speech altogether is a very able performance, and will fully anfwer all that may have been expected from the Author's abilities.

B....t.

Art. 27. A friendly Address to all reasonable Americans, on the fabject of our political confufions. In which the neceffary Confequences of violently oppofing the King's Troops, and of a general Non-importation are fairly Rated. New York printed. London reprinted. Evo. 1 s. 6d. Richardfon and Urquhart.

This performance is afcribed to Dr. Cooper, prefident of King's College in New York; and probably very oppofite opinions will be entertained of its merit by different individuals. The Author, whoever he may be, has employed confiderable art, and fome abilities, in holding forth an alarming representation of the diftrefs and carnage likely to enfue in America from a contention with Great Britain, and in an endeavour to excite jealoufies, divifions, and animofities between the feveral colonies and religious fects on that continent: and for this laudable purpose he addreffes firft the members of the church of England, and then the Quakers, Baptifts, Germans, Dutch, &c. in fucceffion, reprefenting it as the aim of the Prefbyterians of New England to exterminate all other religious fects in America. We fhall offer a fhort extract from that part of the per'formance which is intended to intimidate the colonists in general from an oppofition to the measures of government.

Friends, Countrymen, and Fellow-Subjects! let me entreat you to roufe up at last from your flumber, and to open your eyes to the danger that furrounds you-the danger of your being hurried into a state of rebellion before you are aware of it, and of fuffering all that refentment which a mighty nation can discharge upon a defenceless people. Whether Great Britain did right or not, in impofing the duty on tea, and whether we pay it or not, are matters of trifling confequence: but whether we shall bring down upon our own heads the full weight of her vengeance, and undergo all the horrors of a civil war, or not, are matters of dreadful importance to us. If you perfift in the steps which many of you have taken, and especially if you go on to encourage the New-England fanatics to attack the king's troops, whenever they can meet them; the time cannot be diftant, in which both you and they will be legally proclaimed Rebels and Traitors-they as principals, and you as their abettors. You may fill profefs yourfelves to be his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Jubjects, as you did in your late RESOLVES, and as the leaders in the grand rebellion of 1641, did, in their meffages to the king immediately after the battle of Edge-Hill, where they had fought against him in perfon; but this will not fkreen you from vengeance. No: HAVOCK will be the cry; and the dogs of war will be let loofe to tear out your vitals. Then, if not before then, the Damen of dif cord will rife to distract you. Brother must fight against brother, and friend against the friend of his bofom. In fhort, the country that is now “fair as Eden," will become a field of blood, over-fpread with defola

G

defolation and flaughter. I tremble, and my blood retires to my heart at the profpect of fuch amazing anguifh and mifery. The fun and the moon begin already to be darkened, and the stars to withdraw their fhining, O all-pitying Heaven! Preferve me! Preserve my friends! Preferve my country!

B...t

Art. 28. Free Thoughts on the Proccedings of the Continental Congrefs, held at Philadelphia, Sept. 5th, 1774. By a Farmer. NewYork printed.. London reprinted. 8vo. 1 S. Richardfon and Urquhart.

This farmer of New-York is very unlike the farmer of Pennsylvan a, both in ftyle and fentiments. He endeavours, by the most feifith, interested confiderations, to engage the farmers of that province to oppofe the refolutions of the continental congrefs; reprefenting that the non-exportation agreement will deprive them of foreign markets for their produce, and that the non-importation agreement will raife the price of fuch European goods as they may have occafion to purchase.

Art. 29. A Complaint to the of, against a Pamphlet, intituled, A Speech intended to have been spoken on the Bill for altering the Charters of the Colony of Maffachufet's Bay. xvo. I S. White. B...to

Our complainant is very angry with the benevolent Author of the fpeech in question; again!t which he declaims with much warmth and fome invective; but he is fo far from having offered any subftantial objections to fupport his complaint, that we can find nothing in it of fufficient weight or folidity to merit a ferious refutation. B-t Art. 30. Three Letters to a Member of Parliament, on the Subject of the prefent Difpute with our American Colonies. 8vo. s. 6 d. Lowndes.

[ocr errors]

These letters are written in fupport of an opinion, that the pleas fet up in juftification of our violent proceedings against our American brethren cannot be defended on conftitutional ground.' In doing which, our Author is led into a confideration of the nature of British rights, and of the extents of parliamentary authority; and though thefe fubjects have been fo often handled in the courfe of our American difpute, he has adduced fome facts and arguments that will deferve attention. In his fecond letter he gives a particular account of the meafure adopted by king Edward III. of fummoning reprefentatives from Ireland to fit in the English houfe of commons; and he afterwards obferves, upon this measure, that the king's fubjests of Ireland had protefted, That they were not bound to fend reprefentatives to the parliament in England; that it was repugnant to their liberties and cufloms; for they had not agreed to any fuch ftipulation at the time of their first fettlement there: and although, out of reverence to the royal pleasure, they at laft fend reprefentatives, yet they delegate no authority of impofing any tax or burthen pon them, but referve that point entirely to their own determination. No fupremacy of taxation was contended for, nor even fo much as claimed over them, by the parliament at Westminster:

See Review for July last, F. 70.

yet,

yet, if that parliament had been confcious of holding any fuch right, they would undoubtedly have enacted a law for levying fubfidies in Ireland. But neither the king nor his great council appear to have dreamt that any fuch pretenfion could be fet up, or that any fuch right existed. On the contrary, the English houfe of commons complain to his majesty of the burthens which the government of Ireland had thrown on them. The king fends a requifition to the Irish parliament, to provide for their own exigencies, and to grant him an aid. On their refufal, he fummons them to elect reprefentatives to fit and vote in his English house of commons, in order that their confent to the fubfrdies he required might be obtained in this channel. The Irish declare against this, as a grievance, an inno vation; and fay they are not bound to fend representatives to the English parliament: and why? not on the plea of remote fituation, for they were near neighbours; but certainly because they claimed to be legally and rightfully reprefented and taxed in their own parliament only. The fame kingly prerogative, which introduced a parliament into Ireland, introduced it likewife into all our American colonies (Canada excepted). Thefe American parliaments have, from their firft eftablishment, claimed, and most of them exercifed, legiflation according to the law and cuftom of the English parliament in them the fubje&ts there, like the fubjects in Ireland, have taxed themselves, either to provide for the exigencies of their government, or with aids to the crown. Nor are the inhabitants of thofe colonies more bound than the Irish to obey the king's writs of fummons, and to fend reprefentatives across the fea to fit and tax them in the parliament at Westminster, unless a new compact is formed, by entering into which they may voluntarily oblige themfelves to do fo. I fay nothing of the comparatively few voices on American queftions arifing in the houfe, even if they were to fend reprefentatives; of the large majority of votes to overbear them; or of the policy of the Scotch at the Union, who, foreseeing the like contingence, took care to infert, in the compact they entered into, a fpecial claufe, afcertaining in perpetuum what proportion their landtax fhould bear to that of South Britain.'

In a fubfequent part of this performance, the Author endeavours particularly to refute a late Pamphlet, intituled, The Intereft of the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain, in the prefent Contest with her Colonies, &c.' Of which we gave fome account in our laft Review.

B

Art. 31. A Letter to the Right Hon. Lard M-
on the
Affairs of America; from a Member of Parliament. 8vo.
Almon.

1 S.

This letter is faid to be addreffed to Lord M- 'becaufe (among other reasons) it is the public opinion that his advice has of late fo fatally influenced the meafures of administration.'-The following fhort extract may enable our Readers to judge of the merits of this performance.

• Whatever may have been the ideas of thofe your Lordship chiefly converfed with during the fummer, yet among the various orders of men I met with, the caufe of America grew every day more and more

G 3

[ocr errors]
« הקודםהמשך »