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fimple peace; fought in its natural course, and its ordinary haunts:
It is peace fought in the spirit of peace; and laid in principles purely pacific. I propose, by removing the ground of the differ. ence, and by restoring the former unfufpe&ting confidence of the colonies in the mother country, to give permanent satisfaction to your people; and (far from a scheme of ruling by discord) to recon. cile them to each other in the same act, and by the bond of the very same intereft, which reconciles them to British government.'
And, speaking farther of his plan, he says, it has nothing of the splendor of the project which has been lately laid upon your table by the noble lord in the blue ribband, it does not propose to fill your lobby with squabbling colony agents, who will require the interposition of your mace at every instant to keep peace amongit them. It does not institute a magnificent auction of finance, where captivated provinces come to general ransom, by bidding againf each other, until you * knock down the hammer, and determine a proportion of payments, beyond all the powers of algebra to equajize and settle.
Here, however, we cannot butobserve, that if it was ever expe&ted that the colonies would thus eagerly outbid each other, in proposals for pecuniary contributions, according to the late conciliatory resolution moved by lord North, this expectation is likely to end in disappointment, since even in New York, where it was believed this proposal would be most acceptable, the governor, by the unanimous advice of his council, has declined calling an assembly (as he had been instructed to do) to consider of the same, from a full convi&ion, that it would be generally condemned and rejected.
The speaker next proceeds to mention two capital leading quel. tions for parliamentary decision, 'first whether you ought to con. cede, and secondly what your concession ought to be.' On the first of these he observes, that the house from the proposition and regiftry of the noble lord's project, “has declared conciliation admilfible previous to any submission on the part of America. It has (continues he) even shot a good deal beyond that mark, and has admitted, that the complaints of our former mode of exerting the right of taxation were not wholly unfounded. That right thos exercised is allowed to have had something reprehensible in it; something unwise, or something grievous ; lince in the midst of our heat and resentment, we of ourselves have proposed a capital alteration ; and in order to get rid of what seemed so very exceptionable, have instituted a mode that is altogether new; one that is indeed wholly alien from all the ancient methods and forms of parliament.'
Our ingenious orator also observes, that in order to determine both the one and the other of these great questions, it is necefsary to consider distinctly the true nature of the peculiar circumAtances of the object which we have before us; because after all our Atruggle, whether we will or will not, we must govern America ac. cording to that nature and those circumstances, and not according to our own imaginations, or abstract ideas of right, &c.
• A Night impropriety : we have seen the hammer of an auctioneer defcend, but we never saw one knocked down,
He therefore proceeds first to consider the number of people in the colonies,' and the rapid increase of their population, from which he infers, that no partial, narrow, contracted, pinched, occasional system will be at all suitable to such an object :' an object not to be considered as one of those minimá which are out of the eye and consideration of the law ; not a palery excrescence of the state ; noc a mean dependant who may be neglected with little damage, and provoked with little danger.' That we ought not in reason to trio He with so large a mass of the interests and feelings of mankind ; that we could at no time do fo without guilt,' and that we shall • not be able to do it long with impunity.'
He next enters upon a detail of the comparative increase and importance of the commerce of the colonies, which he mentions • as out of all proportion beyond the numbers of the people,' Here he states and compares different though not less Atriking periods, than those lately adduced by Mr. Glover. And having reached the summit of this great object, he says, • it is good for us to be here: we stand where we have an immense view of what is and what is paft. Clouds indeed and darkness reft upon the future. Let us, however, before we descend from this noble eminence reflect that this growth of national prosperity has happened within the short period of the life of man. It has happened within sixcy eight years. There are those alive whose memory might touch the two extremities.' Of these he instances lord Bar thurst, and after some elegant compliments, supposes the angel of this auspicious youth, in 1704 drawing up the curtain and unfolding the siting glories of his country with this prediction, “ Young man, there is America--which at this day serves for little more than to amuse you with stories of savage men, and uncou:b manners; yet shall before you taste of death, thew itself equal to the whole of that commerce which now attracts the envy of the world. Whatever England has been growing to by a progresive increase of improve ment, brought in by varieties of people, by fuccellion of civilizing conquests and civilizing settlements in a series of seventeen hun. dred years, you shall see as much added to her by America in the course of a fingle life!" . If this state of his country had been fore. told to him, would it not require all the fanguine credulity of youth, and all the fervid glow of enthusiasm, to make him believe it ? Fortunate man, he has lived to see it! Fortunate indeed, if he lives to see no:hing that hall vary the prospect, and cloud the setting of his day!
Mr. Burke next considers the Agriculture of America, and says, ' for some time past the old world has been fed from the new. The scarcity which you have felt, would have been a desolating fa. mine ; if this child of your old age, with a true filial piety, with à Roman charity, had not put the full breast of its youthful exube. tance to the mouth of its exhausted parent.'
Respecting the history of the colonies, and particularly the whole fishery by the people of New England, he says, “whilit we follow them among the tumbling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepeft frozen receffes of Hudson's Bay, and Davis's Streights, whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic cir. · Rev. June, 1773.
cle, we hear that they have pierced into the opposite region of pro lar cold, that they are at the Antipodes, and engaged under ibe frozen serpent of the south. Falkland Isand, which seemed too remote and romantic an object for the grasp of national ambition, is but a fage and resting place in the progress of their vi&orious in. dustry. Nor is the equinoctial heat more discouraging to them, than the accumulated winter of both the poles. We know that whilst fome of them draw the line and frike the barpoon on the coast of Africa, others run the longitude, and pursue their gigantic game along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what is vexed by their fisheries. No climate that is not witness to their coils. Neither the perseverance of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the dex. trous and firm fagacity of English enterprize, ever carried this most perilous mode of hardy industry to the extent to which it has been pulled by this recent people; a people who are still, as it were, but in the grifle, and not yet hardened into the bone of manhood. When I contemplate these things; when I know that the colonies in general owe little or nothing to any care of ours, and that they are not squeezed into this happy form by the constraints of watchful and suspicious government, but that through a wise and falu. tary neglect, a generous nature has been suffered to take her own way to perfeétion: when I reflect upon these effe&s, when I see how profitable they have been to us, I feel all the pride of power fink, and all presumption in the wisdom of human contrivances melt, and die away within me. My rigour relents. I pardon some. thing to the spirit of liberty."
From the importance of America, the speaker observes, that different conclusions may be drawn.-That some gentlemen will say • it is an object well worth fighting for. And certainly it is (adds he) if fighting a people be the best way of gaioing them.'-Force, however, he thinks, not only an odious but ‘a feeble instrument for preserving a people so numerous, so active, so growing, so spi. rited, as this, in a profitable and subordinate connexion with us.' -He particularly states his objections against force, on account of the temporary nature of its operation, the uncertainty of its foc. cess, and the injuries which it must produce to the object we thas endeavour to preserve--and he particularly remarks on the temper and character of the colonists, in which a love of freedom is said to be the predominating feature, that marks and distinguishes the whole, and that has been derived from their descent, form of government; religion, in the northern provinces; manners in the southern; education ; and remoteness of situation from the first mover, of government.---With respect to this spirit of freedom or of stubbornaels, he thinks there are but three modes of proceeding-either to change that spirit as inconvenient, by removing the causes; to prosecute it as criminal; or to comply with it as necessary.-The first of these he represents as hardly practicable, though some have recommended the attempt, by endeavours to arrest the further progress of American settlements, and population ; and particularly by stopping all future granis of land from the crown--a narrow, illiberal and milchievous expedien:, to which a late American minister was strongly attached. “But to this scheme (says the speaker) there are two ob
jections; je&tions; the first, that there is already fo much unsettled land in private hands, as to afford room for an immense future population, although the crown not only withheld its grants, but anni. hilated its foil. If this be the case, then the only effect of this avarice of desolation, this hoarding of a royal wilderness, would be to raise the value of the possesions in the hands of the great private monopolists, without any adequate check to the growing and alarming mischief of population.
* But, if you itopped your grants, what woold be the consequence? The people would occupy without grants. They have already so occupied in many places. You cannot itation garrisons in every part of chese deserts. If you drive the people from one place, they will carry on their annual village, and remove with their focks and herds to another. Many of the people in the back settlements are already little attached to particular fituations. Already they have topped the Apalachian mountains. From thence they behold before them an immense plain, one vast, rich, level meadow ; a square of five hundred miles. Over this they would wander, without a pollibi. lity of restraint; they would change their manners with the habits of their life; would soon forget a government, by which they were disowned; would become Hordes of English Tartars; and, pouring down upon your unfortified frontiers a fierce and irresistible cavalry, become masters of your governors and your counsellors, your collectors and comptrollers, and of all the slaves that adhered to them. Such would, and, in no long time, must be. the effect of attempting to forbid as a crime, and to suppress as an evil, the command and blessing of Providence, “Increase and Multiply.”. Such would be the happy result of an endeavour to keep as a lair of wild beasts, that earth, which God, by an expreis charter, has given to the children of men. Far different, and surely much wiser, has been our policy hitherto. Hitherto we have invited our people by every kind of bounty, to fixed eltablishments. We have invited the husbandman, to look to authority for his title. We have taught him piously to believe in the mysterious virtue of wax and parchment. We have thrown each tract of land, as it was peopled, into districts; that the ruling power should never be wholly out of fight. We have settled all we could ; and we have carefully attended every settlement with government:'
With respect to profecuting the spirit of stubbornness, in its overt acts, as criminal, he observes, that there is a wide difference in reason and policy between the mode of proceeding on the irre. gular conduct of individuals who disturb order within the ftate, and the civil dissenfions which may from time to time, on great questions, agitate the several communities which compose a great empire. It looks to me, (says he), to be narrow and pedantic to apply the ordinary idea of criminal justice, to this great public conteft. I do not know the method of drawing up an indi&ment against an whole people. I cannot insult and ridicule the feelings of millions of my fellow-creatures, as Sir Edward Coke insulted one excellent individual (Sir Walter Rawleigh) at the bar. I am not ripe to pass sentence on the gravest public bodies, intrusted
wich with magistracies of great authority and dignity, and charged with the safety of their fellow-citizens, upon the very same title that I am. I really think, that for wife men, this is not judicious ; for sober men, not decent; for minds tinctured with humanity, not mild and merciful.'
Rejecting, therefore, the two first of these methods, as, either impracticable, or inexpedient, the speaker necessarily adopts the lalt; and presuming conciliation and concession to be necessary, he proceeds to consider • of what nature the conceflion oughe to be." But as this and other parts of the speech before us contain mat. ters worthy of particular notice, we hope it will not be thought improper to defer the conclusion of this article to our next. 2. Art. 21. Motions made in the House of Commons, on Monday
the 27th of March 1775. Together with a Draught of a Letter of Requilition to the Colonies. 4to. 1 s. Almon.
These Motions, and the proposed Letter of 'Requifition, were the parts of an offered plan by Mr. Hartley, for restoring the peace and affection, and commerce, formerly subfilting between the inha. bitants of Great Britain and of British America -Two other plans had before been delivered, one by lord Chatham, (see our Review for Feb. p. 179), and the other by Mr. Burke. - It would, however, be presumptuous in us to decide respecting their comparative me. rits--and therefore we shall only observe that the piece before us appears to have all the advantages of fimplicity; that it recurs to the system of colonial government which was so happily practised until the end of the lalt war; and that it avoids the decision of many claims and queltions, which have contributed to extend our present unhappy controversy. Art. 22. An Appendix to a Letter to Dr. Shebbeare. To which
are added some Observations on a Pamphlet intitled “ Taxation no Tyranny :” in which the Sophistry of that Author's reasoning is detected. By a Doctor of Laws. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Donaldsoe.
This Appendix co a former letter (see our Review for Jan. p. 35) contains a sober defence of the Presbyterians, and of the character of King William, against the aspersions of the writer to whom it is addressed ; and likewise some reflections on the late measures of go. verninent respecting the Colonies. The Letter to the Author of • Taxation no Tyranny' contains many pertinent obseryations upon the reprehensible parts of that pamphlet.'
B... B. Art. 23. The Reply of a Gentleman in a feleet Society, upan be
important Content between Great Britain and America. 8vo. I S. Almon. 1773.
We are told that the society in which this reply was delivered, consisted of near fifty members. - That' three fourths voted in fa. vour of America, among which majority above two thirds were gentlemen of the law;' and we are inclined to believe their deci. fion to have been jut, (however unauthorized and unimportant) as it seems probable that the reply before us contained more reason and force of argument than any thing that was delivered on the contrary side of the queltion.