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bappen, furnished Mr. BucHoz with this curious and inestimable part of his vegetable treafure. A miffionary, defirous of forming a complete collection of drawings of Chinese plants, fhrubs, and trees, had recourfe, for that purpose, during a long courfe of years, to all the botanical books of that country, to the most learned phyficians, naturalifts, and botanifts of the court, and adding all these helps to the fruits of his own obfervations, he employed able painters to draw the figures of the plants which came to his knowledge in thefe laborious researches, and the work which he completed in confequence of all these affiftances is depofited in the Emperor's library at Pekin.. It is from this valuable collection, of which there are no copies exifting, not even in China, that Mr. BUCHOz has taken the drawings of the Chinese plants, contained in this fecond number, in the laft page of which he has engraven the names of these plants in Chinefe characters, fo that the curious may know how to procure them, if they be inclined to try them in a European foil.

XIII. A metaphyfican, who holds a diftinguished rank among those who cultivate that branch of philofophy, has published at Paris a work, entitled, De la Connoiffance de l'homme dans fon être & dans fes rapports: i. e. Concerning the Knowledge of Man, confidered in his Nature and in his Relations, by the Abbé JOANNET, Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences and Belles Letters of Nancy, 2 vols. in 8vo. There is depth and perfpicuity in this work, and the Author feems to have digefted the beft writers on this interesting subject. It is odd that man has been stalking for near fix thousand years on this globe, and remains yet unknown; and it is ftill more odd that one man must read the book of another to know what paffes within himself.

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XIV. Lettres & Reflexions fur la Fureur du Jeu: i. e. Letters and Reflexions on the Paffion for Gaming, by Mr. Dusaulx, Member of the Academy of Infcriptions and Belles Lettres, in 8vo. Paris, 1775. This book, which defcribes with all the powers of good fenfe, virtuous feeling, and benevolent zeal, the ab furdity, the inhumanity, and the complicated horrors of the ignoble paffion for gaming, deferves to be tranflated into all languages. It contains reflexions and facts that muft touch every ingenuous mind, and must alarm even the habitual gamefter, if his heart is not yet arrived at the very laft degree of profligacy and degradation.

XV. Difcours fur l'Education prononcés au College Royal de Rouen, &c. i. e. Difcourfes upon Education, delivered in the Royal College at Reuan; to which are fubjoined, Reflexions upon Friendhip, by Mr. AUGER, Profeffor of Eloquence in that College, &c. in 12mo. Paris, 1775. Notwithstanding the innumerable treatifes which have been published on this fubject, in all nations and languages, without any visible change for the better

in the practice of modern Mentors, or in the morals and manners of their pupils, thefe Difcourfes deferve to be read. They are composed with spirit, tafte, and judgment. They discover a thorough acquaintance with the fubject, and a warm and welldirected zeal for the true happinefs of the rifing generation; they are enriched with a variety of moral portraits, in which the Author has catched the manners living as they rife, and they are accompanied with notes. The Reflexions upon Friendship, fubjoined to thefe Difcourfes, are judicious, and discover an extenlive knowledge of human nature and human life.

N. B. For want of room we must referve for a fucceeding number, the literary news of Germany, Italy, Switzerland, &c. [To be continued Monthly.]

M.

MONTHLY CATALOGUE, For JUNE, 1775.

AMERICAN CONTROVERSY.

Art. 18. A candid Examination of the mutual Claims of Great Britain and the Colonies: With a Plan of Accommodation on. Conftitutional Principles. 8vo. I S. Richardson and Urquhart, 1775.

TH

HIS pamphlet (imported from New York) has been advertised as the production of Mr. Galloway, one of the Delegates (for Pennsylvania) in the late American congrefs; and we have otherwife fufficient authority not only to afcribe it to that gentlemen, but to confider it as the effect of illiberal motives and unworthy paflions. In this we are warranted, not only by facts of general notoriety, but by many indifcreet expreffions in the pamphlet itself.

As fome extenuation, however, of Mr. Galloway's misconduct, it may be proper to remark that he was fent to the late Congress under impreffions of difguft at the lofs of his former popularity, and of envy for the applause bestowed on his rival antagonist Mr. DickenJon. And being emulous of popular fame, he propofed a plan for eftablishing a political union between Great Britain and the Colonies, by inftituting an American House of Commons, to be assembled on that continent, with a right of confirming and rejecting all acts and grants of Parliament made to bind the Colonies. This plan, (which we gave at large in our Review for March) was not approved by the Congrefs; fome of whom thought it too great an innovation to be admitted by Parliament, and others were apprehensive (with how much reason we pretend not to determine) that the execution of it might be dangerous to the freedom of America.

We are told by the Author, that this plan, read, and warmly feconded by feveral gentlemen of the firft abilities, after a long debate, was fo far approved as to be thought worthy of further confideration, and referred under a rule for that purpose, by a majority of the Colonies. Under this promifing afpect of things, and an expectation that the rule would have been regarded, or at least that fomething rational would take place to reconcile our unhappy differences, the member propofing it was weakly led to fign the non

importation

importation agreement, although he had uniformly oppofed it; bat this he was difappointed.-The measures of independence and fedition were foon after preferred to those of harmony and liberty; and no arguments, however reasonable and juft, could prevail on a majority of the Colonies to defert them. The refolve, plan, and rule referring them to further confideration, fo inconfiftent with the meafures now refolved on, were expunged from the minutes; with what view let America determine.'

The real truth, however, is, that one of the Author's friends moved to have the plan committed, which motion was rejected; and it was next moved that the plan might lie on the table to be taken up at any future day; this was granted; but nothing being done in confequence thereof, it was refolved by a great majority in revifing the minutes at the clofe of the fefiion, that the plan fhould be obliterated from the journals of the Congrefs.-This proceeding was highly refented by the Author, and co-operating with his former emotions of envy and difappointment, feems to have rendered him an enemy to thofe measures which he had before folemnly bound himself and his conftituents to support and obferve.

To reprobate the proceedings of the Congrefs, is, therefore, a principal object of the pamphlet under confideration; and for this purpofe the Author labours to maintain the unlimited fupremacy of Parliament over all the dominions of the Crown, by arguments which have been often alleged, and fufficiently answered.

This part of the performance ought, for the fake of confiftency, to have been wholly fuppreffed.

We have been authentically informed that, during the feffion of the Congress, Mr G ftrongly denied the right of Parliament to bind the Colonies in any cafe whatever; alleging, as a principal foundation of English liberty, that the People are entitled to partici pate in the power of making those laws, and of impofing those taxes, by which they are bound: that the Colonies have no fuch participation in the authority of Parliament; and therefore that they could not be justly bound by its acts, until they fhould be fecured in the privilege of affenting to, or diffenting from, the laws and pecuniary grants of parliament. And as it was judged impracticable for the Colonies to fend reprefentatives to Great Britain, he from these premifes inferred and fupported the expediency of his plan for affembling a diftin& Houfe of Reprefentatives in America, as an appen dage to the British House of Commons.-Every thing therefore which Mr. Galloway alleges in the pamphlet under confideration, to fupport and juftify his plan of union, must be incompatible with his doctrine of parliamentary fupremacy: for if the British Parliament, as now conftituted, be competently qualified to exercise the powers of legislation and taxation over all the dominions of the Crown, Mr. Galloway's plan for compelling Great Britain, by a fufpenfion of commerce, to allow Representatives of the Colonies a right of feparately confirming or rejecting all acts of Parliament extending to America, must have been altogether indefenfible. So long however as there was any hope that the Congrefs would adopt this plan, he was confeffedly ready to fupport all other meafures for diftreffing the British government, and refifting the acts of that Parliament whofe

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fupremacy he now inconfiftently maintains.-Such indeed is the incongruity of his prefent performance, that while he labours to refute the claims of the Colonies, and to afperfe the measures of the Congrefs, he fays (page 48) I do not differ from them in opinion that America has grievances, but I differ from them in the mode of obtaining redrefs.'-In fact, the Congress were satisfied with asking for a repeal of fuch acts of Parliament made fince the last war as were thought grievous and oppreffive; but Mr. Galloway, in addition to a repeal of thefe acts, would have extorted from Great Britain fuch conceffions as mult have difabled Parliament from ever paffing another act capable of binding the Colonies without the diftinct confent of their Reprefentatives. This, certainly, would have been a new and important innovation. Whether it ought to have been asked, or whether if afked it would have been granted, are queftions which we pretend not to answer, though it seems undeniable that the views of the Congrefs were much more moderate than thofe of Mr. Galloway; but for this moderation they are, in the pamphlet before us, grossly calumniated, and reprefented as traiterously meditating to render the Colonies independent of the crown of Great Britain. A civil war is alfo predicted as an unavoidable confequence of their meafures, and all its attendant horrors are displayed with feeming pleaThe unthinking, ignorant multitude, in the Eaft and Weft, (fays our Author) are arming against the mother state, and the authority of government is filenced by the din of war. What think you, O my countrymen, what think you will be your condition, when you fhall fee the defigns of these men carried a little farther into execution, ?-Companies of armed, but undifciplined men, headed by men unprincipled, travelling over your eftates, entering your houses-your caftles-and facred repofitories of fafety for all you hold dear and valuable-feizing your property, and carrying havock and devaftation wherever they tread-ravishing your wives and daughters, and afterwards plunging the dagger into their tender bofoms, while you are obliged to land the fpeechlefs, the helpless fpectators. Tell me, oh! tell me-whether your hearts are fo obdurate as to be prepared for fuch fhocking fcenes of confusion and death. And yet, believe me, this is a real and not exaggerated picture of that distress, into which the fchemes of thofe men, who have affumed the characters of your guardians, and dare to ftyle themfelves his Majesty's most loyal fubjects, will inevitably plunge you, unlefs you oppofe them with all the fortitude which reafon and virtue can infpire.'

But whatever reality there may be in this elegant, fublime, and par thetic defcription of the approaching diftrefs of America, it furely may be doubted whether that diftrefs would have been more tolerable if the Colonies, inftead of contending only for a repeal of certain acts of Parliament, had, as an additional object of contention, adopted Mr. Galloway's plan, and perfifted in compelling Great Britain to comply with it. We cannot therefore admit this to be "A candid Examination of the mutual Claims of Great Britain and the Colonies."-It feems to have been dictated by paffions which certainly ought not to have been indulged, and which, in a liberal

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mind, juftly impreffed with a fenfe of the obligations due to those who had invested him with a public and important truft, would not have been a moment entertained. B....t. Art. 19. The Addrefs of the People of Great Britain to the Inhabitants of America. 8vo. 1 S. Cadell. 1775:

This Addrefs is faid, and believed, to have been written by Sir J.D. and printed at the public expence, to be diftributed in Ámerica, where the greatest part of a large impreffion has been fent apparently to co-operate with a late conciliatory refolution of the Houfe of Commons. It is replete with expreffions of tender affection for the inhabitants of the Colonies, and paints the measures and intentions of government toward them, in the fofteft and most pleasing colours.

The Writer firft endeavours to difcourage the Colonists from all hope of fuccefs in oppofing either the arms or the trade of Great Britain; and afterwards labours to footh them from ' projects of war, or of fufpenfion of commerce,' by explaining away fome of the grie vances of which they have complained, and by promifing that others fhall foon be redreffed by fome great act of fate. If, (fays the Author) you appeal to the rights of human Nature, and the great interefts of fociety, we bow to thofe your facred protectors. We can find no line between the use and abuse of taxing you without the confent of your own Affemblies. We revere the Prince on the throne, and know our liberties to be fafe in his hands; but we cannot be certain of a fucceffion of royal virtue in all ages to come; and we can anticipate occafions when a Prince may, even by means of Parliament, venture to do things which he would not have ventured upon by himself; as Tiberius by his fenates did what Nero dared not to do by his guards. In fuch a cafe, though charters, practice, ftatutes, and even equitable confideration, warrant us to retain the exercife of the power of taxation over you, we defire to throw it from us, as unworthy of you to be subject to, and of us to poffefs. We will not degrade you, because in your exaltation our own is involved; we defire only to be fecured that you will yourselves make provision for your own safety and defence. If this has not been done fooner, the fault was your own. You connected your claim of not being taxed with fo many other claims, that it became impoffible for us to make the conceffion which we wished, from the danger of its being made a precedent for extorting other conceflions, to which we could not yield without doing a mifchief even to those who claimed them.

It has been the fortune, perhaps the peculiar one of Britain, that from apparent mifchiefs real good has arifen; and convulfions, terrifying at firft, have only paved the way for preventing their reFrom the late differences, it is the fault of us both if we do

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not derive future agreement. That agreement is beft to be insured by fome great act of ftate, which, on the principles of mutual dependence, fhall form a fyftem of common intereft and happiness, and remove, as far as human wisdom can look forward, the probability of future differences. Whether your Affemblies fhall, in a conftitutional way, make the first advance to Parliament to effectuate that measure, or Parliament shall make the first advance to you, by

fending

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