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formed into a diftinét parish? And did parilhes originally contain only ten freeholders and their housholds in each ?!

Chap. VI. treats of the genius and constitution of the Saxon royalty, and of the nature and regimen of the Saxon lordships and towns. In the notes to this chapter Mr. Hume is charged with several mistakes ;

• Mr. Hume asserts the Saxons to have been “ divided into three ranks of men, the noble, the free, and the flaves" (p. 223-224). The nobles,” he says, “ were called Thanes, and were of two kinds, king's thanes and lesser thanes. The latter seem to have been dependant upon the former, and to have received lands, for which they paid rent, services, or attendance in peace and war" (p. 224). Below the nobles “s there were no middle rank of men" (Ibid.). " The lower rank of freemen were denominated Ceorles" (p. 226), and the upper were merchants or traders (p. 225-226), " But the most numerous rank by far seems to have been the llaves or villains” (p. 226).

• Here is a number of mistakes. I shall note them very briefly.

I The thanes were not all nobles. Only the royal ones or great feudatories were. And there was a middle rank below the nobles. The lesser thanes, or sub-feudatories, formed it. The lower order of freemen was not merely ceorles, or the upper merchants and tra. ders. The upper consisted of the lesser thanes. And both the traders and ceories, the free-foccagers of town and country, composed the lower. Nor did the villains and saves form the last class of all. They did not unite to form any. The villains were one order of men, and the Naves another. There were therefore five ranks of men inftead of three, in the gradations of the Saxon polity. And these were the nobles, the gentlemen, the freeholders, the villains, and the flaves.

• Nor did the thanes pay any rents for their lands. Nor did they perform any services for them, diftinct from their attendances in peace and war. And, to suppose with Mr. Hume that they did either one or the other, is to confound the military and free-soccage tenures together, and reduce the thane to a level with his ceorie,

• The churls “ seem to have been removeable at pleasure. --The flaves or villains were incapable of all property" (p. 226).

• The churls, as free-soccagers, were the same with our present freeholders, and therefore could not have been removable at plea. fure. And even the villains were not, as I have already proved. But Mr. Hume has again confounded the villain with the flave, though so strikingly diftinguished from each other. Aad I have shewn even the slaves to have been capable of property,

" The Saxons, who subdued Britain, as they enjoyed great liberty in their own country, obstinately retained that invaluable porsession in their new settlement" (p. 213).-“ A fierce and bold liberty” marked “ these founders of the English government” (p. 213). -" The seeming liberty, or rather licentiousness, of the Saxons, &c." (p. 223).

Yet in p. 217, 219, 221, 224, 225, 226, and 227, all below the nobles are represented as in a state of abject dependence, subject to the tyranny of the others. And in p. 245 “ the ceorles and com mon people" are said to have been “ removeable at pleasure” from their lands, as being only “ tenants during the will of their lords."

• How ftrangely careless, and how grossly inconsistent, are these accounts !

• In p. 112. v. 2, speaking of the Norman polity, Mr. Hume says thus. Below the military vassals were “what in a proper sense we call the people. A great part of them were serfs, and lived in a state of absolute slavery or villainage. The other inhabitants of the country paid their rent in services which were in a great meafure ar. bitrary,And in p. 113 he goes on thus. The towns were fituated either within the demesnes of the king or the lands (the de. mesne lands] of the great barons, and were almost entirely subjected to the abfolute will of their master.”

• The save and the villain are here confounded as before. The other inhabitants were the free-foccagers, who paid no rent in fere vices at all. And, if they had, these could not have been in a great measure arbitrary, as even those of the villain foccagers were determinate. The inhabitants of the towns held equally by free saccage. They paid ftated rents. And therefore they could not possibly be almost entirely subjected 10 the absolute will of their master.'

. . (To be concluded in our next.]

ART. VIII. The School for Daughters : or, the History of Miss Char.

lotte Sidney. In a Series of original Letters between Persons in genteel Life. 12mo. 2 Vols. 55. fewed. Bew... TT is a common remark, that the ladies greatly excel the

1 men in epiftolary writing. Though the present novel by no means confirms this remark, the perusal of it has suggested to us a method of accounting for the fact, without infinuating any thing to the disparagement of the lords of the creation Love, the first sentiment that enters the heart of the fair, is the firft fubject of their correspondence. On this darling theme, the young writer at first tries her strength in Thort excur. fions; confining herself to a real correspondence with some fair friend, and perhaps to the few interesting facts that occur in her own experience. Having thus gradually inured herself to flight, the at last ventures into the regions of fancy, and fi&tion, and perhaps draws up a series of original letters for the entertainment of her friends and the public. It is not at all to be wondered at, that being thus regularly instructed and practised in the school of love, the fair sex should become fuch adepts in the art of letter writing. And perhaps it is owing chiefly to this circumstance, that the supply of entertaining novels never fails to be equal to the demand. We think it very probable that this publication is the first production of some female pen, which has lately been consecrated to love and friendship. 'Instead of terrifying the young adventurer by furling the critic's wrinkled front, and crying out, "What

ftuff

ftuff is here !” we shall therefore only, as friends, whisper in her ear a word of advice ; not to appear again before the public, till she has improved her powers of invention by exercise, re. fined her taste in compofition, and acquired somewhat more of the style and manner of persons in genteel life.' .

As a small specimen of this writer's abilities for the invention of natural incidents, we make the following extra&t :

At supper Eliza complained that she had a violent headach, and as soon as it was over flipt away unknown to me and went to bed - Jersey, who sat on a settee by me while at supper, availed himself of my friend's absence to make fresh declarations of his passion, and would not let me ftir to look for her; clasping me round the waist, and almoft shedding tears of tenderness over me, after vowing eternal fidelity to me a thousand times. The weather being very severe, and being much tired with our journey the day before, and it growing late, I accidentally fell afzep in his arins; and on awaking fome hours after I found him in the same fituarion.'-Did the fleepy fair tteal a pair of gloves from her Neeping lover? - If you wish to know, see v. i. p. 98. Art. IX. The Triumph of Trueb; or, Memoirs of Mr. De la Vilette:

translated from the French by R. Roberts. 12mo. 2 Vols. 6 s. Cadell. . T HE Author of this work has united two species of writ. T ing, which have certainly no natural alliance,-fyftema. tic divinity and fictitious narrative; and might very properly have entitled his piece, a theological novel. However, the union is by no means unpleasing; and may serve to give young persons some general ideas of the grounds of religious faith, in a form which will be likely to make a strong impreffion upon the memory, and thus by, an innocent artifice to cheat them into instruction, where they expected nothing but entertainment.

The principal persons, in this little drama, are a father and his son. The father, þeing from conviction an infidel, in the most extensive meaning of the term, determines to educate his son in the most perfect retirement, that receiving oo information and imbibing no prejudices, from those about him, he might make a fair experiment, how far the principles of religion are written on the human heart, and naturally arise from the free exertion of the rational faculties. The experiment succeeds. The self-instructed youth discovers the grounds of religious faith ; and on perusing the books of the Old and New Testament, acknowledges the divine authority of the Jewilh and Christian revelation : and the father, over

come

come by the force of his fon's reasonings, gives up his sceptical opinions, and becomes a fincere and zealous believer.

In the train of reasoning put into the mouth of the son, we find no new arguments, and some not very judiciously chosen ; and we observe through the whole a strong cincture of the orthodox system of theology. Thus, the chief end of the Deity, in creating the world, is said to have been, his own glory, and the happiness of his creatures only a subordinate end; and the crucifixion of Christ is styled, Deicide. Nevertheless, the design of the work is so laudable, and in the execution, instruction and entertainment are so agreeably blended, that it will, we doubt not, be very acceptable to the generality of readers. The incidents which occurred when the young man was first introduced into the world, and his reflections upon them, are particularly pleasing. Of these we shall lay before our readers the following specimen.

Mr. De Janson, my uncle, bad taken a great deal of pains to gain one of the best cooks in Paris; and the success of his pains we now experienced. A supper where taste was carried to the utmost profusion, drew from the greatest part of his guests compliments without number. It must be confessed,' replied he with an air of satisfaction, that my cook stands alone : and indeed the duke of B- has neglected nothing to induce him to leave me; but a hundred pistoles added to his former appointment has confirmed him in my service. I was curious to know what were the wages of this extraordi. nary man; and I learned that he received annually a thoufand crowns. During supper, I studied the countenance of each gueft: but he who fixed my attention most was à gentleman placed at the lower end of the table between Mr. Janson's two sons. He appeared a stranger; and not one of the guests deigned to address him in conversation. His mortified air convinced me that he felt all the contempt which was shewn him : he seemed uneasy when he was obliged to call for any thing ; and I remarked that the servants never ferved him, but when they had nothing else to do. I could not help wishing to know the reason why this man was in a place where nobody seemed to take notice of him. I had very foon an opportunity of satisfying my curiosity; for when the defert came on table, he went out with my cousins, I then asked my uncle who this mute. person was. He is, replied he, a pedant, who teaches my sons to barbarize some Latin words; a person who has not common sense, and yet thinks himself the most learned man in France,' 'It astonishes me,' replied I, that you should entrust to the care of such a person all that you hold most dear. Every thing depends on the first impression; the heart of a child is as soft as wax,

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which easily takes the print. Of what importance then is it, to put it only into the hands of people of diftinguilaed me, sit! What pains should we not take in the choice of such per. fons ?' . You are in the right,' said my uncle; it were much to be wished that people of merit would employ themselves in that way; : but the misfortune of it is, there is no choice : except a very {mall number, they are all such as you have just now seen.' I can easily perceive it, replied I; and if you will permit me, I will convince you that it is impoffible for a man of merit to be willing to accept of such an employ.'

Courage, nephew,' cried Mr. Janson; you will do me a favour to prove this impossibility.” My timidity made me he. fitate ; , but, making an effort to vanquish it, I demanded of my uncle what he gave yearly to his son's tutor, • Five hundred livres and my table,' 'replied he. And a thousand crowns to your cook,' added I, laughing. Mr. De Janson, who did not want sense, was ftruck with this reflection, and convinced that it was just. But,' continued be, ' a greater falary would be more than equal to the desert of the person you have seen this evening, would it not?' • Yes, certainly,' said I ; ' but it would encourage men of superior talents to take upon them so important an employ, if they were paid in a manner worthy their abilities.'

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wowe from the GeLove. He prefixed, 20. 1775.

poetic imagenes difficult to productions of mystical phase of the

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ART. X. Dialogue from the German of M. Wieland. I. Araspes and

Panthea, or the Effects of Love. II. Socrates and Timoclea, on
apparent and real Beauty ; to which is prefixed, an Effay on Sen.
timent, by the Editor. 8vo. 48. sewed. Leacroft. 1775.
T HE first of these dialogues approaches nearer to the dra-

matic than the philosophic kind. In some parts in. deed, long narration, or a continued train of didactic obser. vations and reflections are introduced, which would not suit with theatrical representations; but the incidents are throughout so interesting, the expression of the passions is so bold and animated, and the whole is enriched with such a variety of poetic imagery, that from the materials which it furnishes, it would not be difficult to manufacture a tragedy at least equal to most of the modern productions of this kind. There are, however, in the piece some traces of mystical philosophy and theology, which but ill agree with the business of the drama, and will perhaps be scarcely intelligible to the generality of readers. Of this the following is a specimen." Ara. sambes, the friend of Araspes, observing the excess of his passion for Panthea, the fair captive whom Cyrus had entrusted to his care, thus addresses him :

• I believe, truly, that thou feelest all this; the consequence thou wilt draw from it, cannot be juft.-It remains still un

decided,

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