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the inveni John Vaning the Antiquititled, Vom alt

Jowing title: Tobia Mayeri, in Universitate Gottingenfi quono dam Professore ac Societatis R. Scient. Sød. Astronomi Opera inedita. Vol. i. Edidit, et Observationum Appendicem adjecit Go. Christoph. Lichtenberg, Prof. Philofophiæ & Soc. R. Scient. Sod. Gottingen, 1775. This volume contains a variety of observations and discourses upon different branches of astronomy, which are il. · lustrated in the appendix by learned annotations.

XII. The ingenious Mr. LESSING, well known in the republic of Belles Lettres, by several dramatic productions, of great merit, and by fables abounding with delicacy and sentiment, has published at Brunswick a Treatise intitled, Vom alter der Oelmalerey, &c. i, e. Concerning the Antiquity of the Use of Oil-colours in painting. John Van Eyk is generally supposed to have been the inventor of painting with oil-colours; but Mr. LESSING has here proved from a manuscript of Theophilus, preserved in the Ducal Library of Wolfembuttle, and intiiled, De Colori. bus & Arte Colorandi Vitra, that the use of oil in painting is of a much more ancient date, and that, in all probability, we derive it from Greece. According to our Author, Van Eyk only invented the method of drying speedily the colours mixed with oil, and it was to learn this secret that Antonello went from Messina to Flanders.

XIII. Versuch uber Pindars leben, &c. i. e. An Esay on the Life and Writings of Pindar, by Mr. Gor. Schneider. Strasburg, 1775. This Essay, which consists of a series of letters addrelled to a friend of the Author, contains judicious reflections upon the character of Pindar, and his poetic genius. Mr. SCHNEIDER considers the division of Strophes, Antistrophes, and Erodes, which we find in the editions of the Theban Bard, as ridiculous, as they only relate to the ancient manner of singing this species of poetry, and can be of no use now, tha; they are not sung, but said. The gentleman, however, is in the wrong, to quarrel with the musical divisions on that account ;- but it is no great matter.

XIV. Volftendige Topographie, &c. i. e. Complete Topograpby of the Marquijate of Brandenburg, by M. BUSCHING, in two vols. -410. Berlin, 1775. This voluminous Writer extends his descriptive powers to a vast variety of objects in this work, and if he goes on to write, as somebody goes on to touch and take, to

grasp and conquer, it would be no easy matter to calculate the · number of topographical volumes that may proceed from his teeming pen. One of the first things we perceive in this present work is an enumeration of the different maps of the Marquilate of Brandenburg, which will soon be considered as pictures in miniature. . The second object we meet with is, a Systematico-geographical delineation of that whole country. The word stematico being of a dubious, and somewhat political etý.

mology,

grasparna of topogre of the

ded, pily expressed. leveral things ie who

mology, may excite apprehensions in some who have not seen this book, and remind them of the systematical dispute between the geoprapher and his master, in the Dialogues on the Polis Partition ; but it is to be supposed that Mr. BUSCHING takes the word in a metaphysical sense. Next comes a dissertation on the ancient cities, towns, villages, &c. of the marquisate ; and, lastly, a complete geography of Brandenburg, in which (carcely a farm-house, a dairy, or a shepherd's hut are overlocked by this learned and systematic Writer.

HOLLAND. XV. The press of Amsterdam has conveyed to the public the following work, which has been composed at Petersburg by one of the French Literati, who are at present writing for the infant Ruffians, until they grow big enough in knowledge and civilization to write for themselves. The Title of this work is, L'Homme Moral ou l'homme consideré tant dans l'Etat de pure Na. ture, que dans la Societé. Par P. CH. LEVESQUE. 1775, in 8vo. i. e. Man a Moral Agent, considered both in the State of Nature and in Social Life. Though there is no great depth of thought in this performance, yet it is, upon the whole, sensible and judicious, and there are several things in it acutely investigated, and happily expressed. The Style in general is elegant and unaffected, and even where the Author is superficial (which is often the case) we read him with pleasure, because he talks away agreeably. In short, this is not a book that you are to bend over, with a thoughtful countenance, on a reading desk ; but if you take it in your hand in an evening walk, in the dogdays, it may entertain you pretty well. It contains forty-four chapters, of which most of the titles consist of a single word. They are as follow : The principle of Morality imperfectly under. ' fiood-Man a Savage-Man in Society of the Duties of a Ci. tizen, in generalis Man malevolent? -Government--Equality Laws- Primitive Convention-- Justice-ReligionPopulation Celibacy of the Faquirs--Love- Polygamy - Encouragements to Marriage- Adultery-Chastity--Choice in Wedlock-Incell---Conjugal DutiesThe first nourishment of Infants- Education - FriendshipGlory, eleeni, contempt, disgrace- Beneficence--Gratitude - Avarice -Humanity - Luxury-- Alms giving-Source of the pallions--Pafa fions --Courage-Courage in dijafers-Courage under pain-Courage in the hour of death --Duelling-Suicide-Duties in the connexions of Jocial Commerce Happiness - Pleasure-The Pleasure of Epicurus. 1. This enumeration of the subjects here treaied may tempt the reader to imagine, in the first hafty moment, that this book was "formed by the fole aslistance of a pair of scislars ; yet we may venture to affir“, that this is not ihé case; for the style is uniform, and the materials seem to have been more or less digesteda

[To be continued Manbly.]

G g 3 MONTHLY

MONTHLY CATALOGUE,

For M A Y, 1775. AMERICAN CONTROVERSY. Art. 12. An Answer to a Pamphlet, intitled, “ Taxation no

Tyranny.” Addressed to the Author, and to l'ersons in Power. 8vo. 1 s. 60. Almon.

• THIS production discovers its Author to have been well ac

quainted with the subjects of our American dispute, and with the principles of the British conftitutión'; but his arguments are too folid and incompreslible for much abridgment, and therefore we can only cite a few of them for the satisfaction of our readers..

In page 21 & feg, he maintains that the right of parliamentary representation is constitutionally an incident of property, freehold and personal : that anciently Peers were not created by the Crown, but became such in right of their respective baronies; a man who had a certain portion of property becoming of course a peer: that a number of smaller properties belonging to other men, combined and centered in one man by election, gave him a right of fitting in parliament 'as representative of the property of several ; whilst the baron fat as representing his own property alone : that the barons in old time fitting by their property, taxed themselves, that is, taxed their own property. But now, fitting by the act of the crown merely, without reference to property, the commons who continue to fit by property, have claimed the whole of taxation, and the lords have ceded it to them. This (continues he) shews to a demonftration, that the body which is constituted by the property of any country, is the only body constitutionally, qualified to tax that country.' And after several arguments in support of this doctrine'he proceeds: i . Had the Norman conqueror returned to Normandy, and made that the seat of empire, the Norman states would have been the imperial legislature. Would he have been intitled, I ask, to tax his English subjects in his states of Normandy ?. You will not affirm it. Yet might be not say, "My Norman states made laws for all my subjects, when I had no subjects beyond Normandy; and why may they not continue to do so itill, though my condition is altered in that respect ? My Norman law has made no distinction concerning my subjects beyond sea; (for the prince might forget, chat till 'he had subjects beyond fea, no mention of them could be expected.) I am too moderate to make these subjects 'beyond sea dependant on myself. They shall be dépendant on my Norman ftates; and there will be this comfort in it besides, that I can do what I please with my Norman states, whereas the popular affemblies beyond sea might be less manageable." This speech, no doubt, would be highly relished ; the Norman Nates would be flattered; a great majority would vite to the doctrine ; the minority would be called an English faction and decried; and all would be harmony and satisfaction in Nonnancy. But how would it have gone in England: I will ansuc: this quettion for you He must have conquered it again, and again and again. If he were once worsted, he would have been

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undone, and every pause of bloodshed would have been a renewal of war.

• England, however, as I hope it always will, continued to be the feat of empire to him and to his descendants. Did any of them attempt to tax their dominions beyond sea in the legislature of England? Never. The Scotch have asserted, that they conquered England; the English have asserted, that they conquered Scotland. Did either nation, though contiguous, ever think of taxing the other in its domestic legislature: No such thing was ever thought of. Henry the Fifth conquered France. Did he or his son ever attempt to tax France in the English parliament? Or if they had resided in France, would the states of France have been the conftitutional legislature for taxing the English subject ? You will not say it. Was Wales, though conquered and contiguous, ever taxed by the English parliament till it fent representatives thither? Never. When the crowns of England and

Scotland were united in the person of James the First, who made Eng. - land the seat of empire, did che parliament of England ever think

of taxing Scotland i Or in queen Anne's reign, when the 'Scotch were averse to a union, were they ever told, that the English par. liament could do the business, if they were refractory; for that Scotland was represented in the parliament of England, though all the property on the other side of the Tweed did not constitute one vote + towards conftituting one member of that affembly? No man ever

dreamed of such a thing. Did Henry the Second, or any of his succeffors, ever attempt to tax Ireland in the English parliament, though conquered, and not very diftant? No, you confess. But

the judges, 'you say, have mentioned a distinction to account for this . exemption, viz. that Ireland had a parliament of her own. But why was a parliament given to her? Because no man thought at that time, that the English parliament was a constitutional or adequate legislature in ordinary, for dominions beyond sea. Nor can I be. lieve, that the judges grounded their decision merely on the trisyllable, “ parliament ;'or that they had any other idea, than that Ireland having a legislature, by whatever name, competent to tax. :ation, it was not fitting that she should be taxed by the English par

liament, in the constituting of which the property of Ireland had & no share. Now this holds equally as to the provincial assemblies,

and to the legislatures or states of every kingdom or province which
I have before mentioned ; and therefore it is clear, that this uni-
versal practice was founded on a universal principle, that the par-
liament of England ought not to tax any part of the dominion, the
property of which had not its due share in conftituting that as.

sembly, .
· In page 53 our Author proceeds, . Though every part of your
(publication breaches nothing but the spirit of tyranny, yet there is
one passage so audacious, that it deserves to be diftinguilhed. In
your 24th page you have these words; “ An English Individual may
by the supreme authority be deprived of liberty, and a Colony diverted
· of its powers, for reasons of which that authority is the fole judge."
. If one Individual, or one Colony, can be thus deprived, so may all
the Colonies together; so may every man in the community. For
I defy any man to thew where any limitation exifts, if any such
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power le admitted. By this doctrine, the Parliament, for reasons of which it is the fole judge; that is without assigning any reason at all, may make every man in the British Empire a Nave in one day. That is to say, a body of men, taken from amongst ourselves, in number not above a thousand, collected in one spot of the Empire, under the most facred trust for the service of the whole, are intitled to do that which no power on earth has a right to do, viz. to make slaves at one blow, and without saying wherefore, of fourteen mil. lions of fellow subjects, and of their posterity, to latest time, and throughout every quarter of the world. Is such language to be endured? Or can be be a friend to human nature who uses it?

"With equal humanity, in your both page, you say, “ If the Bol. tonians are condemned unbeard, it is because there is no need of a trial. All trial is the investigation of something doubtful." Your ideas of legislation we had before, and your judicial ideas are as jn. tolerable. To say that a crime's being notorious,' or asserted to be notorious, will justify condemnation unheard, is too infolent an imposition. Where is the Caligula who would not say that the guilt of the man, or of the province that he wanted to destroy, was noto. rious? If the assertion of the tyrant will convert cruelty into juftice, no tyrant will ever be cruel. But the law of England is so different from your sentiment, that it presumes every man to be innocent, till his guilt is tried and established. That is, instead of condemning unheard, so long as any man is unheard, it acquits him.? ,

"The tumour of your style, (concludes our Author) the infolence of your manners, your rawness in the great principles of the subject which you treat, and your universal inaccuracy, or unfairness in arguing, are inferior considerations, and faults that may be forgiven. But let it be remembered, at all events, that with respect to this point, you confess, that if the Americans are right, it is robbery in us, not rebellion in them. Now I ask any man, whether on this itate je is so clear that America is wrong, and that it is not robbery in us, as that we should lightly run the risque of becoming murderers also; and murderers of our fellow-subjects into the bargain? Every lover of truth and liberty, every honett and conscientious man will feel this question. The soldier will feel it ; the sailor will feel it; the free fubie&t will feel it: the King and his minifters will feel it.'

B Art. 12. Tyranny Unmafked: An Answer to a late Pamphlet,

intitled, *Taxation no Tyranny.” '8vo. 1 s. 6d. Flexney.

This Pamphlet' contains fome good reasoning, but it is, in general, inferior to the former : The following extract may, however, in some degree enable our readers to judge for themselves. r

i The next step our Author takes, is to ridicule, with all his might, the idea of the Boftonian heroes betaking themselves into orber paris of that continent, and turning Fishermen and bunters, rather than submit to illeg a tor. So magrranimous a proof of an indomitable free fpirit might give them credit with mankind, and represent them as biroes indeed and therefore 'tis his bufiness to make them fick of it, by converting it into a full proof of slavery. He says, who can be mpre a Yave, than he thairis driven by force from the comforts of life, and compeld to leave his hente io a casual corner? This is certainly a new and heard of defcription of Navery, reserved for this Author

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