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made ufe of for the extending its authority and power beyond its bounds to the prejudice of the just rights of the subject.'-Conlidering therefore the dangerous and equivocal application of the pretence of state necessity, we believe no good man would wish to see it adopted as the ruling principle of government; and we presume that few people will be convinced of the justice of taxing the Colonies in the British parliament by a writer, whose principal argument for that practice, confills in asserting that the people of England may be justly taxed without the consent of any parliament. Art. 26. Plan offered by the Earl of Chatham to the House of "Lords, entitled, “ A Provisional Act for settling the Troubles in

America, and for asserting the supreme Legislative Authority of Great Britain, &c." Which was rejected and not suffered to lie on the Table. 4to. I S. Almon.

After maturely considering this Plan we cannot but regret that it was totally rejected ; as, with no inconsiderable knowledge of the temper and views of the Colonies; we are convinced that by a few flight alterations it might have been rendered acceptable to the people of America, and that the general superintending au. thority of parliament allerted and maintained by it, would have sufe ficiently answered all the good ends of government, and have preferved, through a long series of years,' that happy union which has been so beneficial as well to the parent state as to her American offfpring. And we still hope that a time may arrive when the same benevolent endeavour which has now failed will be successfully re. newed, and become an important addition to the services which its Author has before rendered his country, as well as a lasting mooùment of the error of those men, who from an imaginary im. pradicability in reconciling the claims of Great Britain and the Colonies, are now endeavouring to promote their separation. T Art. 27. The Speech of the Right Honourable the Earl of Chatham

in the House of Lords, on Friday the 20th of January, 1775. ato. I s. Kearlly.

This speech having been disclaimed by the great ftatesman to whom it has been, with equal falfehoud and presumption, attributed, any criticism from us would be inexpedient. Art. 28. The American Querif; or, some Questions proposed

relative to the present Disputes between Great Britain and her American Colonies. By a North-American. 8vo. 6 d. New York, Rivington. London, Richardson and Urquhart.

We are told as a recommendation of this pamphlet, that' on the the 8th day of September laft, it was in full conclave of the Sons of Liberty in New York, committed to the fames by the hands of their common executioner; as it contains some queries they cannot, and others they will not answere

On examination it appears, that most of the objections which bave been urged against the claims of the people of America, are, reduced to the form of, and comprehended in one hundred que, ries; with this circumstance, that by the latter part of the number, religion which has been so often perverted to the worst purposes, is introduced to favour paflive obedience, &a Thus the Querilt alks : N

• Whether

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• Whether the Supreme Governor of the world has given any dispensation to the body of the people, under any government, to refuse honour, or custom, or tribute to whom they are due ; to contract habits of thinking and speaking evil of dignities, and to weaken the natural principle of respect for those in authority

• Whether, on the contrary, he does not command us to submit to every ordinance of man for the Lord's fake ; and require us on pain of damnation to be duly subject to the higher Powers, and not to reGift their lawful authority?'

Few can be surprised at such questions from a clergyman of Dr.
C 's known principles.' ,
Art. 29. Some Candid Suggestions towards Accommodation of

Differences with America. Offered to Consideration of the Public,
Svo. 6 d. Cadell. 1775.

The Author of these Suggestions appears to be a&tuated by good motives, and to have entertained sentiments partaking of moderation and candour. He discovers, however, a singular averfion from the particle the as will appear by the following extract which may ferve as a specimen of the performance.

* Reciprocal preferences of first tender of reciprocal commodities, to be established cheaper, or more free of public burdens than to foreigners, such as would effectually operate for reciprocal first friendly tender ; and prevent neceflity of any restraints in commerce ; and for the same purpose, effe&tually charge foreign goods with such duties, as to secure preference to reciprocal goods of any of the family ; Ireland included with. Britain ; with strong resolves, and severe penalties against all smuggling; these would materially contribute to lasting union and friendship, and beneficial to the fair trader. Public resolutions should be enacted by all, not to impose tates or regulations to affect each other, different from what affects themselves, at least to avoid it as much as possible ; nor what will materially hurt each other, though it affects themselves.

• There should be no provincial laws incompatible with the Eng. lísh; juries should operate universally, as in England - The King acknowledged by the Colonies as their sovereign, should name governors and council, and all supreme judges, the last to be for life ; each province to pay to all of them fixed salaries, according to present abilities; to be varied at proposed periods, as proportions of burdens may be varied. All inferior magistrates, as iheriffs, juftices, &c. to be named as in Britain and Ireland ; if any of the Colonies judge necessary to levy forces for sea or land, for their own security, against any enemies, natives or foreign, to be paid from common stock, as fafety of each is benefit of all. Reciprocal premiwms and encouragements for improvements for the general good, to be at respective expence ; but avoid as much as poflible such as may, interfere with, or hurt each other, agreeable to foregoing rational, friendly maxims. Peculiar encouragements for improvements of articles, that may rescue any of the family from foreign dependence for neceffaries, or even luxuries ; such as naval stores, or necessaries for the parent country, as rough materials for manufac. tures, as silk, cotion, fax, hemp, dyes, iron, &c. and especially wool from a brood of Spanish sheep, if it will do in America, now


threatened to be prohibited exportation from Spain ; also afhes of all sorts for bleaching, &c. for which valt fums go yearly from Britain and Ireland to foreigners, though American ashes are stronger and cheaper; and Americans may easily learn the process of pearl alhes, now got chiefly, almoft wholly from Hungary ; our money thereby only go to our own Colonies, to their great profit' and ours; or luxuries of any kind, as wines, fruits, spices, perhaps tea in time, since many nations will have it; and various minerals, drugs, &c. for all which America is specially capable, and should be largely aided, even specially by parent country. By such means all their lands and hands might have full employ, without injury to parent country.'

B. Art. 30. The Congress Canvassed; or, an Examination into the

Conduct of the Delegates at their Grand Convention held in Philadelphia, Sept. 1, 1774. 'Addressed to the Merchants of New York. By A. W. Farmer, Author of Free Thoughts. 8vo. 1 8. New York printed, London reprinted by Richardson and Ure , quhart. 1775.

The Free Thoughts of this farmer were intended to engage the farmers of the province of New York to dissent from the association of the Members of the Congress, and his present performance is defigned to answer the same purpose among the merchants, by repre, senting the inconveniences which they must suffer from an adherence to that association.—The following extract will enable our Readers to judge of the manner in which this representation is conducted :

You cannot, I think, want conviction, that your liberty and property are made subject to the laws of the Congress, and the will of the committee. If you do, look at the tenth article of the Asso. ciation. Any goods or merchandize that may arrive on your account between the first day of December, and the first day of February next, though you should have ordered them before the Congress had a being, must be re-shipped by your own direction ; and this direction you mus give, under the penalty of being Gazetted ;-or, they muft be delivered up to the committee of the county or town wherein they Thall be imported, to be stored at your own rik;-or, they muft be sold under the direction of the committee ; and after you are reimbursed your firft cost and charges, the profit is to be applied to the relieving such poor inhabitants of the town of Boston as are immediate sufferers by the Boston Port Bill.-Good God! That men who exclaim so violently for liberty and the rights of Englishmen, thould ever voluntarily submit to such an abject state of slavery ! That you, who refuse submission to the Parliament, fhould tamely give up your liberty and property to an illegal, tyrannical Congress : for shame, gentlemen, act more consistently. You have blustered, and bellowed, and swaggered, and bragged, that no British Parliament should dispose of a penny of your money without your leave, and now you suffer yourselves to be bullied by a Congress, and cowed by a COMMITTEE, and through fear of the Gazette, are obliged to hold open your pocket, and humbly intreat that the gentlemen of the committee would take out all the profits of a whole importation of goods, for the benefit of the Boston poor."

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B... B. Art.

Art. 31. A View of the Controversy between Great Britain and her

Colonies : Including a Mode of determining their present Disputes, finally and effectually, and of preventing al future Contentions. By A. W. Farmer. 8vo. Is. 6 d. Řeprinted for Richardson and Urquhart. 1775.

This pamphlet is intended as an answer to one entituled, “ A full Vindication of the Measures of the Congress, from the Calum. nies of their Enemies :" but not having seen the latter, which, we fuppose, has not been reprinted here, we cannot judge of the comparative merit of these picces.

The following sort extract contains the grounds on which our Author proposes an accommodation of the present American dispute :

I will here, Sir, venture to deliver my sentiments upon the line that ought to be drawn between the supremacy of Great Britain, and the dependency of the Colonies. And I shall do it with the more boldness, because I know it to be agreeable to the opinions of many of the warmest advocates for America, both in England and in the Colonies, in the time of the Stamp Ad.I imagine, that if all in. ternal taxation be vested in our own tegiflatures, and the right of re. gulating trade by duties, bounties, &c. be left in the power of the Parliament; and also the right of enacting all general laws for the good of all the Colonies, that we shall have all the security for our rights, liberties, and property, which human policy can give us : the dependence of the Colonies on the Mother.country will be fixed on a firm foundation ; the fovereign authority of Parliament, over all the dominions of the empire will be established, and the Mothercountry and all her Colonies will be knit together, in ONE GRAND, FIRM, AND COMPACT BODY."

B...E, Art. 32. An Address to the Right Hon. Lord M s d ; in which the Measures of Government respecting America are confidered in a new Light; with a View to his Lordlhip’s Interpofition therein. 8vo. Is. Almon, 1775.

The noble Lord to whom this Address is made, having, as we are told, approved himself a friend to the constitution and the just rights of the people, by his decision in favour of Somerfer the negro, and by that respecting the duty of 4 per cent. levied by prerogative in the Island of Grenada, our Author endeavours, by expatiating on the grievous nature and ruinous consequences of the measures auopred with regard to America, to persuade his Lordship to interpore his influence in favour of the Colonies. We do not find, how. ever, that any degree of success has attended this Address. B. Art. 33. The Supremacy of the British Legislature over the Colonies

candidly difcuffed. 8vo. 1 s. Johnson. · The Author of this discussion labours to prove by the arguments commonly employed for that purpose, 'that the Americans are fubjeet to the authority of Parliament, by the first principles of colonization; by the power inherent in Parliament over all the British tersitories, and confirmed by the fubmiffion of the Coloniits to it; by long'usage and custom of Parliament, and likewife by an authority derived from that principle of justice and impartiality which they are bound to prelerve towards all the territories in the British dominions.'



Art. 34. A port Address to the Government, the Merchants, Ma-
nufacturers, and the Colonifts in America and ribe Sugiar Ifands, one
the present State of Affairs. By a Member of Parliament. 8vo. 1 s.,
This Member of Parliament, (for a borough in the moon) afks,
Are the Colonies a part of the British dominions or are they not
If they are (continues he) then are they subject to the supreme au-
thority of Great Britain : and was there ever a supreme authority in
the world without the power of taxation ?

Having in this summary way proved the jurisdiction of Parliament,
he proceeds to vindicate, as far as he can, the late proceedings of
government, and to exhort all ranks of people to unite in fubjugating
the rebellious Colonists.
Art. 35. Governor Yohnsone's Speech on the Question of recammite
ting the Address declaring the Colony of Massachusett's Bay in Rebellion.
8vo. 6d. Allen.'

The catchpenny Editor of this performance, hoping to profit by the pablic curiosity respecting American subjects, has reprinted from the news papers a speech, and cwo letters under the signature of Junius,

Art. 36, Letters on the Spirit of Patriotism: on the idea of mi

Patriot-King: and on the State of Parties at the acceffion of King
George I. , new Edition Crown O&avo. 35. Davies. 1775.

Mr. Davies has dedicated this new edition of Lord Bolingbroke's elegant and malterly Letters on Patriotism, &c. to 'Mr. Edmund Burke; to whom, among other handsome compliments, he pays this very high one: • Blest with the copious and commanding eloquence of a Bolingbroke. your conduct has been, and, I doubt not, ever will be, more steady and uniform than his. May this gentleman's future conduct serve to confirm our Editor in his favourable preconception of the patriot's steadiness of conduct, and immurability of principle.

An address, from the Publisher 10 the Reader, is likewise prefixed; containing some judicious observations on the general mérit of Lord Bolingbroke's political writings, and on the peculiar value of these Letters : on which the noble Author is said to have bestowed that polish, and those nice and finishing Atrokes, which he had neglected to give to his other works.

Some critics have, however, preferred his Letter to Wyndham; others, the Disertation on Parties, or the letters on the Study and Us of History. Mr. Davies has fairly stated their several opinions; buc the weighty encomium given by Lord Chesterfield, in his letters, lately published, seems to have turned the scale entirely in favour of the present work: this encomium we have already communicated to our readers; see Review, vol. li. p. 369. 462. .

To Lord Chesterfield's strong recommendation of the Letters on Patriotism, &c. the Editor has added the short but highly advantageous character of Lord B. drawn by the Earlof Orrery, in his remarkson the life and writings of Dean Swift : in which the noble and ingenious remarker does not hesitate to sum up the excellences of the N4


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