year 1400, a copy of John of Meun's ROMAN DE LA ROSE, was sold before the palace-gate at Paris for forty crowns or thirty-three pounds six and six-pence. But in pursuit of these anecdotes, I am imperceptibly seduced into later periods, or rather am deviating from my subject.

After the calamities which the state of literature sustained in consequence of the incursions of the northern nations, the first restorers of the antient philosophical sciences in Europe, the study of which, by opening the faculties and extending the views of mankind, gradually led the way to other parts of learning, were the Arabians. In the beginning of the eighth century, this wonderful people, equally famous for their conquests and their love of letters, in ravaging the Asiatic provinces found many Greek books, which they read with infinite avidity: and such was the gratification they received from this fortunate acquisition, and so powerfully their curiosity was excited to make further discoveries in this new field of knowledge, that they requested their caliphs to procure from the emperor at Constantinople the best Greek writers. These they carefully translated into Arabic. But every part of the Grecian literature did not equally gratify their taste. The Greek poetry they rejected, because it inculcated polytheism and ido

It belonged to the late Mr. Ames, author of the TYPOGRAPHICAL ANTIQUITIES. In a blank leaf was written, "Cest lyvir cost a palas du Parys quarante corones d'or sans mentyr." I have observed in another place, that in the year 1430, Nicholas de Lyra was transcribed at the expence of one hundred marcs. SECT. ix. p. 127. infr. I add here the valuation of books bequeathed to Merton college at Oxford, before the year 1300. A Scholastical History, 20s. A Concordantia, 10s. The four greater Prophets, with glosses, 5s. Liber Anselmi cum quæstionibus Thomæ de Malo, 12s. Quodlibetæ H. Gandavensis et S. Thomæ Aquinatis, 10s. A Psalter with glosses, 108. Saint Austin on Genesis, 10s. MS. HIST. of MERTON COLLEGE, by A. Wood. Bibl. Bodl. Cod. Raw lins. I could add a variety of other in

stances. The curious reader who seek further information on this small yet not unentertaining branch of literary history, is referred to Gabr. Naud. Addit. à l'Hist. de Louys XI. par Comines. edit. Fresn. tom. iv. 281, &c.

* See Abulfarag. per Pocock, Dynast. p. 160. Greek was a familiar language to the Arabians. The accompts of the caliph's treasury were always written in Greek till the year of Christ 715. They were then ordered to be drawn in Arabic. Many proofs of this might be mentioned. Greek was a familiar language in Mahomet's houshold. Zaid, one of Mahomet's secretaries, to whom he dictated the Koran, was a perfect master of Greek. Sale's Prelim. Disc. p. 144, 145. The Arabic gold coins were always inscribed with Greek legends till about the year 700.

latry, which were inconsistent with their religion. Or perhaps it was too cold and too correct for their extravagant and romantic conceptions'. Of the Greek history they made no use, because it recorded events which preceded their prophet Mahomet. Accustomed to a despotic empire, they neglected the political systems of the Greeks, which taught republican freedom. For the same reasons they despised the eloquence of the Athenian orators. The Greek ethics were superseded by their Alcoran, and on this account they did not study the works of Plato. Therefore no other Greek books engaged their attention but those which treated of mathematical, metaphysical, and physical knowledge. Mathematics coincided with their natural turn to astronomy and arithmetic. Metaphysics, or logic, suited their speculative genius, their love of tracing intricate and abstracted truths, and their ambition of being admired for difficult and remote researches. Physics, in which I include medicine, assisted the chemical experiments to which they were so much addicted": and medicine, while it was connected with chemistry and botany, was a practical art of im

Yet it appears from many of their fictions, that some of the Greek poets were not unfamiliar among them, perhaps long before the period assigned in the text. Theophilus Edessenus, a Maronite, by profession an astronomer, translated Homer into Syriac about the year 770. Theophan. Chronogr. p. 376. Abulfarag. ut supr. p. 217. Reinesius, in his very curious account of the manuscript collection of Greek chemists in the library of Saxe-Gotha, relates that soon after the year 750, the Arabians translated Homer and Pindar, amongst other Greek books. Ernest. Salom. Cyprian. Catal. Codd. MSS. Bibl. Gothan, p. 71. 87. Apud Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xii. p. 753. It is however certain, that the Greek philosophers were their objects. Compare Euseb. Renaudot de Barb. Aristotel. Versionib. apud Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xii. p. 252. 258.

m Yet Reinesius says, that about the year 750, they translated Plato into Arabic together with the works of S. Austin, Ambrose, Jerom, Leo, and

Gregory the Great. Ubi supr. p. 260. Leo Africanus mentions, among the works of Averroes, EXPOSITIONES REIPUBLICA PLATONIS. But he died so late as the year 1206. De Med. et Philosoph. Arab. cap. xx.

"The earliest Arab chemist, whose writings are now extant, was Jeber. He is about the seventh century. His book, called by Golius, his Latin translator, Lapis Philosophorum, was written first in Greek, and afterwards translated by its author into Arabic. For Jeber was originally a Greek and a Christian, and afterwards went into Asia, and embraced Mohammedism. See Leo African. lib. iii. c. 106. The learned Boerhaave asserts, that many of Jeber's experiments are verified by present practice, and that several of them have been revived as modern discoveries. Boerhaave adds, that, except the fancies about the philosopher's stone, the exactness of Jeber's operations is surprising. Hist. Chemistr. p. 14, 15. Lond. 1727.

mediate utility". Hence they studied Aristotle, Galen, and Hippocrates, with unremitted ardour and assiduity: they translated their writings into the Arabic tongue, and by degrees illustrated them with voluminous commentaries 4. These Arabic translations of the Greek philosophers produced new

treatises of their own, particularly in medicine and metaphysics. They continued to extend their conquests, and their frequent incursions into Europe before and after the ninth century, and their absolute establishment in Spain, imported the rudiments of useful knowledge into nations involved in the grossest ignorance, and unpossessed of the means of instruction. They founded universities in many cities of Spain and Africa'. They brought with them their books, which Charlemagne, emperor of France and Germany, commanded to be translated from Arabic into Latin: and which, by the care and encouragement of that liberal prince, being quickly disseminated over his extensive dominions, soon became familiar to the western world. Hence it is, that we find our early Latin authors of the dark ages chiefly employed in writing systems of the most abstruse sciences: and from these beginnings the Aristotelic philosophy acquired such establishment and authority, that from long prescription it remains to this day the sacred and uncontroverted doctrine of our schools. From this fountain the infatuations of astrology took possession of the middle ages, and were continued even to modern times. To the peculiar

See Hotting. Hist. Eccl. Sæc. ix. sect. ii. lit. G g. According to the best writers of oriental history, the Arabians had made great advances on the coasts communicating with Spain, I mean in Africa, about the year of Christ 692. And they became actually masters of Spain itself in the year 712. See Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. ii. p. 168. 179. edit. 1759. It may be observed, that Sicily became part of the dominion of the Saracens, within sixty years after Mahomet's death, and in the seventh century, together with almost all Asia and Africa. Only part of Greece and the lesser Asia then remained to the Grecian empire at Constantinople. Conring. De Script. &c. Comment. p. 101. edit. Wratisl. 1727. See also, Univ. Hist. ut supr.

Cuspinian. de Cæsarib. p. 419.

Yet it must not be forgot, that S. Austin had translated part of Aristotle's logic from the original Greek into Latin before the fifth century; and that the peripatetic philosophy must have been

partly known to the western scholars from the writings and translations of Boethius, who flourished about the year

520.

Alcuine, Charlemagne's master, commends S. Austin's book De Prædicamentis, which he calls, DECEM NATURE VERBA. Rog. Bacon, de Util. Scient. cap. xiv. See also Op. Maj. An ingenious and learned writer, already quoted, affirms, that in the age of Charlemagne there were many Greek scholars who made translations of Aristotle, which were in use below the year 1100. I will not believe that any Europeans, properly so called, were competently skilled in Greek for this purpose in the time of Charlemagne; nor, if they were, is it likely that of themselves they should have turned their thoughts to Aristotle's philosophy. Unless by viri Græce docti this writer means the learned Arabs of Spain, which does not appear from his context. See Euseb. Renaudot, ut supr. p. 247.

genius of this people it is owing, that chemistry became blended with so many extravagancies, obscured with unintelligible jargon, and filled with fantastic notions, mysterious pretensions, and superstitious operations. And it is easy to conceive, that among these visionary philosophers, so fertile in speculation, logic and metaphysics contracted much of that refinement and perplexity, which for so many centuries exercised the genius of profound reasoners and captious disputants, and so long obstructed the progress of true knowledge. It may perhaps be regretted, in the mean time, that this predilection of the Arabian scholars for philosophic enquiries, prevented them from importing into Europe a literature of another kind. But rude and barbarous nations would not have been polished by the history, poetry, and oratory of the Greeks. Although capable of comprehending the solid truths of many parts of science, they are unprepared to be impressed with ideas of elegance, and to relish works of taste. Men must be instructed before they can be refined; and, in the gradations of knowledge, polite literature does not take place till some progress has first been made in philosophy. Yet it is at the same time probable, that the Arabians, among their literary stores, brought into Spain and Italy many Greek authors not of the scientific species" and that the migration of this people into the western

"It must not be forgot, that they translated Aristotle's POETICS. There is extant "Averroys Summa in Aristotelis poetriam ex Arabico sermone in Latinum traducta ab Hermano Alemanno: Præmittitur determinatio Ibinrosdin in poetria Aristotelis. Venet. 1515." There is a translation of the POETICS into Arabic by Abou Muschar Metta, entitled, ABOTICA. See Herbel. Bibl. Oriental. p. 18. col. a. p. 971. b. p. 40. col. 2. p. 337. col. 2. Farabi, who studied at Bagdad about the year 930, one of the translators of Aristotle's ANALYTICS, wrote sixty books on that philosopher's Rhetoric; declaring that he had read it over two hundred times, and yet was equally desirous of reading it again. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xiii. 265. Herbelot mentions

Aristotle's MORALS, translated by Honain, Bibl. Oriental. p. 963. a. See also p. 971. a. 973. p. 974. b. Compare Mosheim. Hist. ch. i. p. 217. 288. Note C. p. 2. ch. 1. Averroys also paraphrased Aristotle's RHETORIC. There are also translations into Arabic of Aristotle's ANALYTICs, and his treatise of INTERPRETATION. The first they called ANALUTHICA, and the second, BARI ARMENIAS. But Aristotle's logic, metaphysics, and physics pleased them most; particularly the eight books of his physics, which exhibit a general view of that science. Some of our countrymen were translators of these Arabic books into Latin. Athelard, a monk of Bath, translated the Arabic Euclid into Latin, about 1000. Leland. Script. Brit. p.