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We have been favoured with a Letter from Mr. Okely; and as it will tend to give the Reader a very clear idea of Mis object in his various publications of the writings of the Myftics, we will transcribe a part of it.- As I really believe that the despised thing, commonly called Mysticism, is the just medium betweer. Infidelity on the one hand, and Superfition, with her two daughters, Bigotry and Enthufiasm, on the other, I therefore, for that reason, and purely for chat reason only, attached myself to it; efeeming it the greatest happiness, to make it my capital study to plead its cause, and promote its most invaluable interefts, with all the influence of my poor, feeble tongue and pen.'
Though Mr. Okely speaks thus modestly of his own abilities, we are of opinion, that Mysticism was never honoured with a more worthy, or a more learned, defender. We are only concerned, that the object of his defence ihould be so unworthy, both of his time and his talents. Art. 16. A Display of God's Wonders done upon the Person, and
appearing in the Life and divine Experiences, of John Engelbrecht of Brunswic: being an Epistle in Verse, composed upon hi, Name's Day, June 24, 1638. Translated from the original German by Francis Okely, formerly of St. John's College, Cambridge.' 8v0. id. Lackington. 1781.
Our esteem for the Translator will not permit us to transcribe one paffage from this Episte; for there is not a single verse that will do him credit, either as a poet, or as a divine.
S E R M ON S. I. A Discourse on the late Fafl. By Phileleutherus Norfolcienfis. 4:09
15. Dodsey. 1781. This is by far the most malteriy discourse that hath been published on the occafion. The Author professes ñimself to be a serious, and, as he hopes, an unprejudiced clergyman of the Church of England, He conceals his name, because he is not impelled by any notives of vanity to venture on publication; and he has published, because the sentiments which he maintains, seem to coincide with the most useful purposes which the late fast could be intended to promore. Those sentiments, indeed, are not likely to attract popularity, by flavish adulation, or feditious invective : they flatter the prejudices of no party, and are honestiy intended to reform such immoralities as may jutlly be imputed to all.'
A vein of deep philosophic reasoning and political speculation runs through this discourse, and renders it more calculated for the closes than the pulpit; more fic to be read by the judicious, than to be heard by a common assembly. Nevertheless, in many parts of it, the
Author rises into declamation :---that species of declamation which, | while it rouses the imagination, doth not offend the judgment; burs
Supported by good sense, and animared by elegant and vigorous language, equally affects the heart and convinces the underliandins.
The chief design of this discourse is, 10 correct falle and delofive opinions respecting the nature and intent of Divine jurig oneribs, 10
prove that government is the medium through which the Deity cond veys punishment to a wicked, and rewards to a righteous people: that the misconduct of governors derives its origin frequently, and its efficary always, from the general depravity of the governed: that flavery is feldom establihed among those who deserve freedom ; and never escaped by those who have abufed it : that between the misfortunes and demerits of a people there subfifts a moft intimate connection, yea, ultimately, an exact proportion : that their distresses arise from repentance long delayed, and their rain from impenitence absolutely incorrigible.
The whole is resolved into the unerring wisdom of Divine Provi, dence, which hath conitituted an indiffoluble union between vice and misery.
We earnestly recommend this noble discourse to the perufal of our Readers. Its spirit is liberal and manly ; and its desiga such as becomes a minister of Christianity. I. A devout Observance of the Christian Sabhath recommended.
Preached before the University of Oxford, and published by the Request of the Vice-Chancellor and Heads of Houses. By S. Glaffc, D.D. F.R.S, and Chaplain in Ordinary to his Ma
jesty. 8vo. 6d. Rivington. 1781. ni. The Sinner's Account fairly stated : Preached at the Parish
Church of Hanwell, in ghe County of Middlesex, May 6th, 1781. By S. Glasse, D.D. &c. 8vo. 6 d. Rivington. 1781. Plain and practical.
CORRESPONDENCE. P. R.'s Letter is acknowledged. This Correspondent wifhes that we would recommend to Dr. Priestley, the renewal of his former design, of giving an History of all the Branches of Experimental Philosophy.'-Hints of this kind, we apprehend, would be deemed foreign from the plan of our Review.-Dr. Priestley is, himself, the best judge of every thing respecting his learned labours. A genius and industry like his, wants no prompting, from any quarter.
The Account of Mr. Gross's Publication has been unavoidably delayed, through the tedious indisposition of the Gentleman to whom the confideration of that book, with several others, was referred.-The articles here alluded to, will not, we hope, be much longer protracted.
+++ The Efay on Death, by James Kenton ; of which we have bad repeated advice, by letters from a nameless Correspondent, is at last procured ; and some account of it will be given in our next Review.
Mr. Robert's Letter concerning the Rot in Sheep will also apé pear in our next.
For N O V E M B E R, 1781.
Art. I. Tucker on Civil Government, CONCLUDED. See our lat
religion, is of the highest importance to mankind; and attempts to overthrow a system which, for near a century, has been the admiration of intelligent and virtuous men; we hope our Readers will not be displeased with the attention we have bestowed upon it, and the room we have assigned to it in this Collection. We shall now proceed in our remarks.
• All laws,' says our Author, p. 84, made, or to be made by the authority of usurpers, alias of Kings de fo:&to, are, according to the doctrine of Sir Robert Filmer and the Jacobites, absolutely null and void, till they shall have received the sanction and confirmation of the rightful King. And so say the Lockians in respect to their fole rightful King, -the people. For here again they have told us so often, that we cannot forget it, that no law can be valid, unless the people have authorized the making of it :-nay, they have gone to far as to declare, that the very essence of slavery doth consist in being governed by laws, to which the governed have not previoully conlented. This being the case, you see plainly that the confideration, whether the law be good or bad in itself; whether it is a law that is wanted or not wanted; and wbether it tends to promote the liberty of the subject, or to restrain it, is at present entirely beside the quel tion :- for the sole point here to be determined, is simply this-Had the makers of such a law any right to make it, according to the Lockian ideas of right and wrong? If they had no such right, they must be pronounced to be usurpers, be the law in itself whatever it may; and therefore as they are usurpers, their doom is fixed; inarmuch as they cannot expect mercy for their daring attempts to alie. Date the unalienable rights of mankind.'
Notwithstanding the foregoing, and all that follows it to the end of the chapter, we, nevertheless, conceive, that, in order YOL, LXV,
to the preservation of freedom among mankind, it will ever be necessary to ask this question ;--Are those who make our laws, duly authorised so to do? Or, in other words, do they derive their authority from the right source? For, if there be no standard of rightful authority; and the ideas of right and justice, in respect of the original title of the reigning powers,' are to be totally disregarded, a door will be perpetually open to ambitious intrigue and violence, whenever any one can hope to cut his way to a throne by the sword, or by any means remove those who stand in his way. Nay, if successful • bloodshed and usurpation' is instantly to entitle the usurper to our subjection (as the Dean contends, p. 425), although he were to abolish parliaments, juries, elections, and every other constitutional barrier againit arbitrary power ; if, we say, this be a sufficient title to our subjection, our allegiance, and the command of our purses (75 and 417), then, had the Dean of Glocester himself, or any other person in the secret of the true basis of civil government,' put himself at the head of the rioters in June 1780, and,, diverting their attention from papists, prisons and plunder, had, by their afiiftance, murdered the Royal family, extirpated the nobles, and established himself in the sovereign power, his government-mark, O Reader !-would instantly have been ordained of God, provided only that he protected his good subjects, punished the bad, and defended the community from external violence, p. 86; for these three particulars would effectually cure any defect of title that could be imputed to him, p. 426.
In p. 114, our Author concludes, that freedom in this country is secure, because, ' A man may say or do, may write or print, a thousand things with the utmost fécurity, for which his li. berly and property, and even his life itself, would be in the most imminent danger, were he to do the like in America, I want no other proofs, that Engliftmen are still a nation of freemen, and not of slaves.'
Eut perhaps this reasoning may not be quite conclufive; because, fuppofing any design againit our liberties should ever take place, it is probable that the freedom of speech and writing might not be the first to be attacked. Of a subject, who was reported to have used his tongue too freely, a certain celebrated monarch * said, “ He is welcome to talk, provided he leave me but the command of my armies.”
When we arrived at the 2d Part of this work, which is entitledThe true Basis of Civil Government,' we confefs that, notwithstanding our great dissatisfaction with the foregoing part, we yet expected something solid and conclusive from the reputed ability of our Author. How great was our disappointment, can
King of Prullia.
only be imagined by those who shall seek this true basis' in the work itself. The substance of what we find there is this; 1. That man is a social creature; 2. That all men are not of like strength nor capacity, mental or corporeal ; 3. That the fpecies stand in need of each others allistance; and hence it is, 4th, inferred, “That nature implanted the constituent principles of government into mankind, without any previous care or thought on their parts. But having done this, she left the rest to them. ' felves, in order that they might cultivate and improve her gifts and blessings in the best manner they could.' - Indeed! why, this is all that Locke and his disciples contend for. If our Author means, that no human societies, which deserve the denomination of civil, can exist without government, we believe that no Lockian will contradict him. But what does all this prove? Where is the discovery we are in quest of ?-Why, the grand secret, it seems, is this, · That there is found to exist in human nature a certain ascendancy in fome, and a kind of submissive acquiescence in others. The fact itself, however unaccountable, is nevertheless so notorious, that it is observable in all stations and ranks of life, and almost in every company. For even in the most paltry country village, there is, generally speaking, what the French very expreflively term, Le coque de village ;---a man, who takes the lead, and becomes a kind of dictator to the rest. Now, whether this arises from a consciousness of greater courage, or capacity,-or from a certain overbearing temper, which assumes authority to dictate and com. mand, or from a greater address, that is, from a kind of instinctive inaight into the weaknesses, and blind sides of others, or from whatever cause, or causes, it matters not. For the fact itself, as I said before, is undeniable, however difficult it may be to account for ir. And therefore here again is another instance of great inequalities in the original powers and faculties of mankind :--consequently this natural subordination (if I may fo speak) is another diflinct proof, that there was a foundation deeply laid in human nature for the political edifices of government to be built upon ;-without recurring to, what never existed but in theory, universal, social compacts, and unanimous elections."
This, Reader, is the notable discovery which proves Locke a blockhead, and overturns the whole fabric of his Tystem; and our happy Author instantly breaks forth into this exultation"Yere, therefore, I will fix my foot, and rest the merits of the cause.' It is a new discovery, indeed, that those who feel ' a consciousness of greater courage and capacity,' who are sensible of an overbearing temper which affumes authority to dictate and command,' and who are distinguished by their insight into the weaknesses, and blind sides of others,' are therefore author rized to be dictators, and sovereigns to the rest of their sp cies ! Away, then, with all elections and implied compacts, with human rights and heavenly justice; for nothing more is now wanting towards conftituting the true basis of civil govern