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produce was easily raised, widely diffused, and which pressed little upon any particular class, especially the lower orders of society; and it was the more eligible on this account, that the revenue arising from it, at the same time that it was ample, was safely and expeditiously collected at a small expense.

What I allude to, said he, is the general branch of stamp duties, which, though they are now more than double what they were in the American war, have not undergone any considerable increase for some years. My object is to impose an additional duty which will bear upon the great mass of stamps, with the exception only of those which have been lately increased, or of those which from their nature will not admit of any augmentation. The class on which I shall propose the greatest addition, is that which passes under the name of consolidated stamp duties, by which is meant that class in which stamps of the same denomination are applied to a great number of different instruments, such as deeds, copyholds, adjudications, and all law instruments. I mean, however, that law instruments should be exempted from the operation of the tax, because, though it certainly is proper as much as possible to discourage litigation, yet, while it might tend to diminish the number of frivolous law suits, it might also increase oppressive costs, which, for the sake of justice, ought to be avoided. Besides law instruments, I am of opinion that the probates of wills for small sums should be included in the exception. As a tax upon legacies has been lately imposed, I propose that they also should be exempted in the present instance. Policies of insurance for the same reason have a fair claim to exemption. Upon the great bulk of the stamps, however, upon which I propose that the present tax should operate, I think that the present duty should be doubled. This source of revenue I expect to yield 320,000l.

The next object of taxation to which I look, is the transfer of property. I do not mean that the tax on single skins, which now pay a stamp duty of seven shillings, should be doubled; I only intend that the duty should be increased three shillings,

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that they should pay ten shillings instead of seven have appeared, however, that the instruments by which validity is given to any transaction, and to which property owes security, might fairly be made a test of contribution. I have to propose, therefore, not only an additional stamp duty upon each skin, but a scale of duty proportioned to the consideration in money which is transferred. This is only extending a principle already recognized and adopted in the duty which is imposed upon property sold by auction. That duty is sixpence per pound upon real property, and tenpence per pound on all personal property, disposed of in that way, and produces 100,000 a year. Observing that that tax does not operate against the disposal of property by auction, and calculating that ten millions of property are annually transferred from one hand to another, I compute that by imposing a duty of fourpence per pound upon all private transfers, a sum will be raised of at least 170,000l. per annum.

At present there is a stamp upon all deeds, but I understand that authenticated copies of them, unstamped, are admitted. I see no reason why the duty should not attach to the copy as well as to the original. It has been suggested to me, that a regu lation of this kind would bring into the revenue 40,000l. per

annum.

The fourth article which I mean to propose as a subject of taxation, relates to the probates of wills; all of which, except those for sums under 300l. I shall move to pay a certain duty, which may produce the sum of 40,000!.

The next subject I have to offer to the committee, is one which will produce a great deal of discussion out of this house. It relates to a certain species of property well known in this country; for it will be the vehicle (and that not a verbal one) of conveying to the different parts of the country what I am now stating. When I consider the great prevalence of this vehicle of general intelligence; when I consider the amazing extent to which it has been carried; that the luxury of it has been so very generally felt and practised, that the taste of the

public is not likely to be shaken by any trifling increase in the price of an article sought after with such universal avidity; when I consider also the immense profits produced by these articles of luxury, which are of a nature that ought not to exempt them from their share of general taxation, I conceive that the laying of an additional duty on newspapers is a measure that cannot be in any manner objectionable. This might be done without any injury either to the editors or the authors of such publications. The present duty is 2d. on each paper; in addition to which I shall propose a further tax of one penny halfpenny; and even in that, case considerable gains will be produced to the proprietors of papers. I should conceive that the price to customers ought not to be raised any higher than this additional duty; because on a former occasion, in consequence of an increased duty on paper, the price of newspapers was raised far beyond that proportion, and has continued so ever since; there fore I do not imagine the proprietors of them can now have any equitable claim to an increase in their price. The sum produced by this duty will amount to 114,000l.

The next thing I have to propose, is a modification of the duties on advertisements published in newspapers. According to the regulations that exist at present, there is no difference in the duty upon an advertisement of three lines and that on one of the greatest extent. I should propose to vary the present mode, and according to the regulations which I shall offer, there may be advertisements the duty on which shall amount only to some shillings, while on others the duty shall rise up to some pounds sterling. The estimated produce from this source will amount to 20,000l.

The next duty I have to propose, is to arise from a regulation of the stamps on attornies' certificates, by which certain frauds that have hitherto been practised may be prevented. This will produce the sum of 15,000l.

There is one more article of luxury on which I shall propose to lay a tax, that is, all plate that shall be manufactured for the

purpose of ornamental use, which will produce the sum of 30,0001.

All those taxes which I have just enumerated, seem to me to press as lightly on the general bulk of the people as any I could think of, and least of all to increase the national diffi culties.

There still remains one more to be added. I have endeavoured to find one; which, although I confess it is not free from some speculative and practical objections, will not however be found inconvenient to the public at large. It is a subject which has often been thought of before this time; which has been once before this house, but was withdrawn. This is a tax on carriages of all sorts, and on goods of all kinds conveyed by carriages which pass through turnpike-gates, where the tax is to operate by an increase of the tolls. To this it will be right to make some exemptions; such as exemptions on all new tolls till they shall have risen to a certain amount, general exceptions provided for by general laws, and local exceptions in certain districts. The same exceptions that now prevail in tolls ought also to prevail on the part of the public; and I should propose that the same duty may be taken for the public, that is now paid for tolls. I cannot exactly say how much this will produce; but I know, that when it was brought forward here about fifteen years ago, it was estimated at no less a sum than between 4 and 500,000l. I have had an opportunity of knowing the amount of the tolls of the gates about the metropolis, which are not a tenth part of those throughout the whole kingdom. By this means I can in some manner ascertain the amount of the present tax; and I think it will produce between 4 and 500,000l. With respect to the principle of this tax, it may be objected to on the ground of its being a great hardship to lay a burden on passengers and the conveyance of goods; but I hope when gentlemen will consider how small a portion must fall to each individual, that they will not look upon this as a grievance, but rather as a manner of lightening the general burdens.

I have now stated every thing which I conceived material, in

as concise a manner as I could; and I return my thanks to the committee for the indulgence they have shewn me during the length of time I have tresspassed on their attention. I have no other excuse to make, than that I am pleading the necessity of dwelling on a subject which I did not wish to bring forward imperfectly. And I now submit this pleasing circumstance to the consideration of the house, that in the midst of difficulties, and apparently surrounded by calamities, we have still been able to find such ample resources, as those which have been stated to them this day. I call upon them to reflect, that at the moment when we are struggling in a great contest-while we are labouring under pressures as heavy as they are unexampled, we still see the strength and powers which we possess; and that, if we are not to be alarmed at imaginary evils, if we are not to be dispirited by events which are not so calamitous in themselves as they have been conceived to be, we shall find the radical wealth and the ample means of this country fully sufficient to support us in every conjuncture of our affairs, and ultimately to restore us to that situation from which we have been removed for a time, by circumstances as extraordinary as they have been unavoidable. Mr. Pitt concluded by moving resolutions founded on his state

ments.

The resolutions, after undergoing some discussion, were severally passed.

May 26, 1797.

MR. GREY, in pursuance of the notice he had previously given, this day brought forward his proposition for a Reform in Parliament, concluding his speech with moving, for leave to bring in a bill to amend the representation of the people in the House of Commons..

After the motion had been seconded by Mr. Erskine, MR. PITT rose:

Feeling, Sir, as I do, the danger with which the present proposition is attended, upon the grounds upon which it has been supported, and in the circumstances in which it has been brought

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