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PART II,

pagans. The writers, who handled other more CENT. XI!I particular branches of theological controversy, were far inferior to these now mentioned in genius and abilities; and their works seemed less calculated to promote the truth, than to render their adversaries odious.

h

the Grecks and Latins

XIII. The grand controversy between the Greek The controand Latin church was still carried on; and all the versy between efforts that were made, during this century, to bring continued." it to a conclusion, one way or another, proved ineffectual. Gregory IX. employed the ministry of the franciscan monks to bring about an accommodation with the Greeks, and pursued with zeal this laudable purpose from the year 1232 to the end of his pontificate, but without the least appearance of success. Innocent IV. embarked in the same undertaking in the year 1247, and sent John of Parma, with other franciscan friars, to Nice for the same purpose; while the Grecian pontiff came in person to Rome, and was declared legate of the apostolic see. But these previous acts of mutual civility and respect, which could not but excite the hopes of such as longed for the conclusion of these unhappy discords, did not terminate in the reconciliation that was expected. New incidents arose to blast the influence of these salutary measures, and the flame of dissension recovered new vigour. Under the pontificate of Urban IV. the aspect of things changed for the better, and the negotiations for peace were renewed with such success, as promised a speedy conclusion of these unhappy divisions. For Michael Palæologus had no sooner driven the Latins out of Constantinople, than he sent ambassadors

8 Libra contra Judæos et Paganos.

b See Wadding. Annal, Minor. tom. ii. p. 279, 296, and Echard, Scriptor. Ordin. Prædicator. tom. i. p. 103, 911. Add to these Matth. Paris, Histor. Major, p. 386.

See Baluzii Miscellan. tom. vii. p. 370, 388, 393, 397, 497, 498. Wadding. Annal. Minor. tom. iii, and iv. p. 37.

PART II.

CENT. XIII. to Rome to declare his pacific intentions, that thus he might establish his disputed dominion, and gain over the Roman pontiff to his side. But, during the course of these negotiations, Urban's death left matters unfinished, and suspended once more the hopes and expectations of the public. Under the pontificate of Gregory X. proposals of peace were again made by the same emperor, who, after much opposition from his own clergy, sent ambassadors to the council that was assembled at Lyons in the year 1274,' and there, with the solemn consent of John Veccus, patriarch of Constantinople, and several Greek bishops, publicly agreed to the terms of accommodation proposed by the Roman pontiff.m This reunion however was not durable; for the situation of affairs in Greece and Italy being changed some years after this convention, and that in such a manner as to deliver the former from all apprehensions of a Latin invasion, Andronicus, the son of Michael, assembled a council at Constantinople in the palace of Blachernæ, A. D. 1284, in which, by a solemn decree, this ignominious treaty was de

* Wadding. Annal. Minor, tom. iv. p. 181, 201, 223, 269, 303.

1 See Wadding. Annal. Minor. tom. iv. p. 345, 371, tom. v. p. 9, 29, 62. Colonia, Hist. Litter, de la Ville de Lyon, tom. ii. p. 284.

m Joseph, and not Veccus, was patriarch of Constantinople, when this treaty was concluded. The former had bound himself by a solemn oath never to consent to a reconciliation, between the Greek and Latin churches; for which reason the emperor, when he sent his ambassadors to Lyons, proposed to Joseph the following alternative; that if they succeeded in bringing about an accommodation, he should renounce his patriarchal dignity; but if they failed in their attempt, he was to remain patriarch, advising him, at the same time, to retire to a convent, until the matter was decided. The ambassador succeeded, Joseph was deposed, and Veccus elected in his place; when, and not before, this latter ratified the treaty in question by his solemn consent to the ignominious article of supremacy and pre-eminence, which it confirmed to the Roman pontiff.

PART II.

clared entirely null, and the famous Veccus, by CENT. XIII. whose persuasion and authority it had been concluded, was sent into exile." This resolute measure as may well be imagined, rendered the divisions, more violent than they had been before the treaty now mentioned; and it was also followed by an open schism, and by the most unhappy discords among the Grecian clergy.

of Chirist's

encharist con

XIV. We pass over several controversies of a more The disputes private kind and of inferior moment, which have concerning nothing in their nature or circumstances that de- body in the serves the attention of the curious; but we must not tinued. forget to observe that the grand dispute concerning the eucharist was still continued in this century, not only in France, but also in several other places. For though Innocent III. had, in the council held at the Lateran in the year 1215, presumptuously taken upon him to place transubstantiation among the avowed doctrines of the Latin church, yet the authority of this decree was called in question by many, and several divines had the courage to maintain the probability of the opinions that were opposed to that monstrous doctrine. Those who, adopting the sentiments of Berenger, considered the bread and wine in no other light, than as signs or symbols of the body and blood of Christ, did not venture either to defend or profess this opinion in a public manner. Many also thought it sufficient to acknowledge, what was termed a real presence, though they explained the manner of this presence quite otherwise than the doctrine of Innocent had defined it. Among these, John, sirnamed Pungens Asinus, a subtile doctor of the

"Leo Allatius de perpetua consensione Eccles. Orient. et Occident. lib. ii. c. xv. xvi. p. 727. Fred. Spanheim de perpet. dissensione Græcor. et Latin. tom. ii. opp. p. 488, &c.

• Pet. Allix, Præf. ad F. Johannis Determinat. de Sacramento Altaris, published at London in 8vo. in the year 1686.

PART II.

CENT. XIII. university of Paris, acquired an eminent and distinguished name, and without incurring the censure of his superiors, substituted consubstantiation in the place of transubstantiation toward the conclusion of this century.P

CHAPTER IV.

CONCERNING THE RITES AND CEREMONIES USED IN THE CHURCH
DURING THIS CENTURY.

Rites multiplied.

I. IT would be endless to enumerate the additions that were made in this century to the external part of divine worship, in order to increase its pomp and render it more striking. These additions were owing partly to the public edicts of the Roman pontiffs, and partly to the private injunctions of the sacerdotal and monastic orders, who shared the veneration which was excited in the multitude by the splendour and magnificence of this religious spectacle. Instead of mentioning these additions, we shall only observe in general, that religion was now become a sort of a raree show in the hands of the rulers of the church, who, to render its impressions more deep and lasting, thought proper to exhibit it in a striking manner to the external senses. For this purpose, at certain stated times, and especially upon the more illustrious festivals, the miraculous dispensations of the divine wisdom in favour of the church, and the more remarkable events in

P The book of this celebrated doctor was published by the learned Allix abovementioned. See Baluzii Vitæ Pontif. Avenion. tom. i. p. 576. Dacherii Spicileg. Veter. Scriptor. tom. iii. p. 58. Echardi Scriptores Dominicani, tom. i. p. 561.

PART II.

the christian history, were represented under cer- CENT. XIII. tain allegorical figures and images, or rather in a kind of mimic show. But these scenic representations, in which there was a motley mixture of mirth and gravity, these tragicomical spectacles, though they amused and affected in a certain manner the gazing populace, were highly detrimental, instead of being useful to the cause of religion; they degraded its dignity, and furnished abundant matter of laughter to its enemies.

11. It will not appear surprising that the bread, consecrated in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, became the object of religious worship; for this was the natural consequence of the monstrous doctrine of transubstantiation. But the effects of that impious and ridiculous doctrine did not end here; it produced all that train of ceremonies and institutions that are still used in the church of Rome in honour of that deified bread, as they blasphemously call it. Hence those rich and splendid receptacles, that were formed for the residence of God under this new shape,' and the lamps and other precious ornaments that were designed to beautify this habitation of the Deity. And hence

4 It is probable enough, that this licentious custom of exhibiting mimic representations of religious objects derived its origin from the mendicant friars.

This blasphemous language, which Dr. Mosheim is obliged to use in representing the absurdities of the doctrine of transubstantiation, is nothing in comparison with the impious figures that were made use of by the abettors of that monstrous tenet to accommodate it, in some measure, to the capacities of the multitude. We need not wonder, that the pagans metamorphosed their Jupiter into a bull, a swan, and other such figures, when we see the rulers of the christian church transforming the Son of God into a piece of bread; a transformation so vile, and even were it not vile, so useless, that it is inconceivable how it could enter into the head of any mortal, and equally so, how the bishops of Rome could confide so far in the credulity of the people as to risk their authority by propagating such a doctrine.

The rites in

stituted in re

lation to the

eucharist.

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