ria, with which the pontiff Nicolas had formed the design of augmenting his own spiritual dominions, and was most bitterly provoked at missing his aim. Photius went yet farther, and entered into measures every way unworthy of his character and station; for he not only sent a circular letter to the oriental patriarchs to engage them to espouse his private cause, as the public and momentous cause of the church, but drew up a most violent charge of heresy against the Roman bishops, who had been sent among the newly converted Bulgarians, and against the church of Rome in general. The articles of corrupt doctrine, or heresy, which this imperious and exasperated prelate brought against the Romans were as follows. First, that they fasted on the Sabbath, or seventh day of the week. Secondly, that in the first week of Lent, they permitted the use of milk and cheese. Thirdly, that they prohibited their priests to marry, and separated from their wives such as were married, when they went into orders." Fourthly, that they maintained that the bishops alone were authorized to anoint with the holy chrism baptized persons, and that they, of consequence, who had been anointed by presbyters, were obliged to receive that unction a second time from the hand of a bishop. Lastly, that they had adulterated the symbol or creed of Constantinople, by adding to it the word filioque, i. e. and from the Son, and were therefore of opinion that the Holy Spirit did not proceed from the Father only, but also from the Son. Nicolas I. finding the Roman church thus attacked, sent the articles of this accusation to Hincmar and the other Gallican bishops in the year 867, desiring them to assemble their respective suffragans in order to examine and answer the reproach of Photius. Pursuant to this exhortation of the pontiff, Odo, Aeneas, and Ado, bishops of Beauvais, Paris, and Vienne, y Photius attributes to this forced and unnatural celibacy of the clergy, that multitude of children whose fathers were unknown. Remarkable to this purpose is the following passage from a book of Alvarus Delagius, bishop of Sylva, in Portugal, De Planctu Ecclesia; "It were to be wished," says he, "that the clergy had never vowed chastity, especially the clergy of Spain, where the sons of the laity are not much more numerous than the sons of the clergy." z See the letter of Photius in the collection published by bishop Montague, N. ii. p. 47. Other writers mention ten heads of accusation brought against Photius, but such do not distinguish between the first and second controversy that arose between the Grecks and Latins, and they add to the articles, with which this patriarch was charged, those that were drawn up in the time of Michael Cerularius. Certain it is, that in the epistle of Photius, which relates only to the first controversy, and is the only criterion by which we ought to judge of it, there are no more heads of accusation than the five which we have enumerated in the text. as also the celebrated Ratramn, stepped forth gallantly into the field of controversy against the Greeks, answered one by one the accusations of Photius, and employed the whole force of their erudition and zeal in maintaining the cause of the Latin churches,* his see. XXXI. Upon the death of Ignatius, which happened in Restored to the year 878, the emperor took Photius into favour, and placed him again at the head of the Greek church in the patriarchal dignity from whence he had fallen. This restoration of the degraded patriarch was agreed to by the Roman pontiff, John VIII. upon condition however that Photius would permit the Bulgarians to come under the jurisdiction of the see of Rome. The latter promised to satisfy in this the demands of the pontiff, to which the emperor also seemed to consent; and hence it was that John VIII. sent legates to the council which was held at Constantinople, A. D. 879, by whom he declared his approbation of the acts of that assembly, and acknowledged Photius as his brother in Christ. The promises however of the emperor and the patriarch were far from being accomplished; for after this council, the former, most probably by the advice, or at least with the consent of the latter, refused to transfer the province of Bulgaria to the Roman pontiff; and it must be confessed that this refusal was founded upon most weighty and important reasons. The pontiff, notwithstanding, was highly irritated at this disappointment, and sent Marinus to Constantinople, in the character of legate, to declare that he had changed his mind concerning Photius, and that he entirely approved of the sentence of excommunication that had been formerly given against him. The legate, upon delivering this disagreeable message, was cast into prison by the emperor, but was afterward set free; and being raised to the pontificate upon the death of John VIII. recalled the remembrance of this injurious treatment, and levelled a new sentence of condemnation against Photius. XXXII. This sentence was treated with contempt by the haughty patriarch; but about six years after this period, he experienced anew the fragility of sublunary grandeur and elevation, by a fall which concluded his prosperous days. For in the year 886, Leo, surnamed the Philoso a Mabillon, Præf. ad Sac. iv. Bened. part ii. p. 55. pher, the son and successor of Basilius, deposed him from the patriarchal see, and confined him in an Armenian monastery, where he died in the year 891. The death of Photius, who was the only author of the schisms that divided the Greeks and Latins, might have been an occasion of removing these unhappy contests, and of restoring peace and concord in the church, if the Roman pontiffs had not been regardless of the demands of equity, as well as of the duty of Christian moderation. But these imperious lords of the church indulged their vindictive zeal beyond all measure, and would be satisfied with nothing less than the degradation of all the priests and bishops, who had been ordained by Photius. The Greeks, on the other hand, were shocked at the arrogance of these unjust pretensions, and would not submit to them on any conditions. Hence a spirit of resentment and irritation renewed the spirit of dispute which had been happily declining; religious, as well as civil contests were again set on foot; new controversies were added to the old, until the fatal schism took place, which produced a lasting and total separation between the Greek and Latin church. CHAPTER IV. CONCERNING THE RITES AND CEREMONIES USED IN THE CHURCH DURING THIS CENTURY. 1. THAT religious rites and ceremonies were multiplied from day to day, appears evidently from the labours of those writers who began in this cen- Several writury to explain to the ignorant multitude their the origin of origin, their nature, and the purposes they served; ters explain the rites and ceremonies now used in for the multiplicity alone of these religious rites the church. could render the explication of them necessary. Johannes Scotus, Angelome, Remi, or Remigius, bishop of Auxere, and Walafridus Strabo, were the principal authors who distinguished themselves in this species of sacred literature, to whom we may add Amalarius, many of whose explanations were however refuted by Agobard and Florus. Their works are generally entitled De Officiis Divinis, for in the style of this age religious ceremonies were called by that name. The labours of these pious and learned men in illustrating the ritual were undoubtedly undertaken with good intentions; but their utility may be well called into question; and it would be bold to affirm that they were not as prejudicial to the church in some respects, as they might be advantageous to it in others. Their books afforded, indeed, a certain sort of spiritual nourishment to the minds of Christians in their attendance upon public worship; but this nourishment was both coarse and unwholesome. The reasons alleged for the ceremonies in vogue at this time in the church, and the purposes they were supposed to answer, were, for the most part, not only far fetched, childish, and ridiculous, but also bore the strongest marks of forgery and fiction. It is also farther observable, that these illustrations not only encouraged, but augmented prodigiously, and that to the detriment of real piety, the veneration and zeal of the multitude for external rites and ceremonies. For who would dare to refuse their admiration and reverence to institutions, which they were taught to consider as full of the most mysterious wisdom, and founded upon the most pious and affecting reasons? A general acCount of these rites. II. It would be endless to enter into an exact enumeration of the various rites and ceremonies, which were now introduced, for the first time, and of which some were adopted by the whole body of Christians, and others only by certain churches. We shall therefore dismiss this matter with the general account which follows, and point out in the notes the sources from whence the curious reader may derive a more particular knowledge of the absurdities of this superstitious age. The carcasses of the saints transported from foreign countries, or discovered at home by the industry and diligence of pious or designing priests, not only obliged the rulers of the church to augment the number of festivals or holydays already established, but also to diversify the ceremonies in such a manner, that each saint might have his peculiar worship. And as the authority and credit of the clergy depended much upon the high notion which was generally entertained of the virtue and merit of the saints they had canonized, and presented to the multitude as objects of religious veneration, it was necessary to amuse and surprise the people by a variety of pompous and striking ceremonies, by images and such like inventions, in order to keep up and nourish their stupid admiration for the saintly tribe. Hence the splendour and magnificence that were lavished upon the churches in this century, and the prodigious number of costly pictures and images with which they were adorned; hence the stately altars, which were enriched with the noblest inventions of painting and sculpture, and illuminated with innumerable tapers at noonday; hence the multitude of processions, the gorgeous and splendid garments of the priests, and the masses that were celebrated in honour of the saints. Among other novelties, the feast of all saints was added in this century, by Gregory IV. to the Latin calendar ;" and the festival of St. Michael, which had been long kept with the greatest marks of devotion and respect by the orientals and Italians, began now to be observed more zealously and universally among the Latin Christians." insinuates it transactions of III. Nor was it only in the solemn acts of religious worship that superstition reigned with an unlimited sway; its influence extended even to the affairs of Superstition private life, and was observable in the civil trans- self into the actions of men, particularly among the Latin civil life. Christians, who retained, with more obstinacy than the Greeks, a multitude of customs, which derived their origin from the sacred rites of Paganism. The barbarous nations, which were converted to Christianity, could not support the thoughts of abandoning altogether the laws and manners of their ancestors, however inconsistent they might be with the indispensable demands of the gospel; nay, they persuaded, on the contrary, the Christians among whom they lived, to imitate their extravagant superstition in this respect. And this was the true and original source of those barbarous institutions that prevailed among the Latins, during this and the following century, such as the various methods by which it was usual for persons accused to prove their innocence in doubtful cases, either by the trial of cold water,' by single combat," by the fire ordeal," and è See Jo. Fechtii Liber Singularis de Missis in honorem Sanctorum. d See Mabillon, De re Diplomatica, p. 537. e The holydays, or festivals of the saints, were as yet but few in num among the Latins, as appears from a poem of Florus, published by Martene in the volume of his Thesaurus Anecdotar. p. 595. All these were presumptuous attempts to force the divine providence to declare itself miraculously in favour of the truth. In the trial of cold water, the person accused had the right foot and the left hand bound together, and was, in this posture, thrown naked into the water. If he sunk, he was acquitted; but if he floated upon the surface, this was considered as an evidence of guilt. The most respectable authors, ancient and modern, attribute the invention of this superstitious trial to pope Eugenius II. and it is |