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therefore, were to pass, if a spiritual intercourse with the See of Rome were to be allowed by law, he did not see what was to prevent the establishment of a college of Jesuits in this town, or in any other part of the kingdom. He did not, however, think, that the legislature was prepared to allow, that an order of men, which was exiled from Russia, should find its asylum on the British shores, in a country which had heretofore been famed for its abhorrence of bigotry and intole

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There was another argument which had always had great weight on' his mind. Roman Catholicism had ever been the parent and the nurse of arbitrary power: whilst Protestantism was the genial soil in which liberty had thrived and flourished. As a proof of the truth of this assertion he appealed to the records of our own history. Whilst in the papal reigns of Mary and James the IId. the liberties of the people were outraged, and nearly overwhelmed with the dawn of the Reformation, and at the Revolution liberty and Protestantism arose together. Nor need the observation be confined to the annals of our own history alone. Whilst in Spain and Italy slavery and the inquisition had degraded the very name and character of man, in Holland, and in the greater part of Switzerland, liberty and Protestantism had gone hand in hand together. But here he was ready to acknowledge, that from early prepossessions this argument night have greater weight in his mind than that to which it was fairly and logically entitled. For, strongly as he felt himself called upon to oppose the present bill, yet still one of the first sentiments he had imbibed, one among the last which he hoped he should ever forget, was the love of liberty civil and religious. But he had sufficiently trespassed on their Lordship's time and indulgence. He should, therefore, produce but one argument more; and this was drawn from the tenor and spirit of the coronation oath. The King is about to swear that he will maintain inviolate the

Protestant faith. Of what necessity, however, of what paramount importance can it be, that the King alone should be a Pro testant, if his Majesty's ministers and conn sellors may be Roman Catholics, if the members of both Houses of Parliament may be Roman Catholics also? If these things may be, and may be the conse quence of passing this bill, the oath which is to be taken by his Majesty becomes utterly frustrate and of no effect what

ever.

These were the arguments which, whatever weight they might have on the minds of their Lordships, had, at least, produced conviction on his own. This, indeed, might be light in the scale, or as dust on the balance. These reasons, however, had produced conviction on the minds of the most illustrious men for a long period of time. These had all uniformly, till of late, opposed the grant of farther political power to the Roman Catholics. And here there could be no alternative: either the fears of these eminent personages were not well founded, or else they did not deserve that high character for intellect and judgment with which their own and succeeding ages have crowned their memory. In jus tice, also, to the illustrious dead, he would observe, that they who for more than a century had sat in the seats around him, would never, almost unanimously, have opposed measures similar to the present unless they had been satisfied, in their judgment and conscience, that Roman Catholic emancipation could not be granted with safety to our Church and State. Before, then, that he sat down, he would beg leave to express his most earnest hope and prayer that the vote of their Lordships of that night would prevent the constant recurrence of the agitation of this question; and he trusted that they would now, if not in the very words, at least in the spirit of the barons of old, declare, that they would not open the door to any measure which might, not only probably, but even possibly, endanger the stability of this Protestant empire.

MISCELLANEOUS INTELLIGENCE. ECCLESIASTICAL PREFERMENTS. The rev. Thomas Furness, A.B. of Hatchiffe, to the rectory of Oxcombe, Lincoln

stare.

The rev. Edward Howells, of Christ church, Oxford, to the valuable vicarage of Preston cum Blakemere, Herefordshire.

The rev. Henry St. John, to the perpe

tual curacy of Putney, Surrey, on the nomination of the Dean and Chapter of Worcester.

The rev. Edward Jones, thirty years curate of Whitchurch, Shropshire, has been inducted to the rectory of Dunnington, near York, on the presentation of the Earl of Bridgewater.

The hon. and rev. John Fortescue, M.A.

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presented by the Master and Fellows of Magdalen college, Cambridge, to the united rectory of Anderby cum Camberworth, near Alford, Lincolnshire.

The rev. R. M. Mant, of Stowmarket, presented to the vicarage of Mountsea and the rectory and vicarage of Killodiernan, by the Bishop of Killaloe.

The rev. T. Barber, B.D. fellow of St. John's college, Cambridge, presented by the Masters and Fellows of that society to the rectory of Houghton Conquest, cum Houghton Gildaple annexed, vacated by the death of the rev. W. Pearce, D.D. master of Jesus college.

The rev. Lowther Grisdale, to the perpetual curacy of Walmsley, Lancashire.

The rev. William Evan Girdlestone, instituted to the rectory and parish church of Kelling with Salthouse, in Norfolk, on the presentation of Zurishadden Girdlestone, esq. of Kelling.

The rev. Thomas Holmes, M.A. instituted to the rectory of Holbrook, in Suffolk, on the presentation of S. Holmes, Esq. of Brooke, Norfolk.

The rev. P. A. French, to the rectory of Thorp Falcon, Somerset; patron, Mr. Batten.

The rev. John Turner, to the vicarage of Corston, void by the cession of the rev. T. Whalley.

The rev. T. Whalley, M.A.. prebendary of Wells, collated by the Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells to the rectories of Ilchester and Yeovilton.

The rev. F. W. Miller, A.M. appointed officiating minister of the Established Church of England for the West or Arabian coast of Essequibo, by the Governor of Demerara.

UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. OXFORD, April 7. On Monday, March 26, Henry Tennant, Esq. barrister at law, and fellow of New college, was admitted Bachelor in Civil Law.

On Tuesday last, in a convocation, the rev. John Keble, M.A. fellow of Oriel college, and the rev. James Jackson Lowe, M.A. fellow of Brasenose college, were approved as Public Examiners.

The same day the following degrees were conferred:

MASTERS OF ARTS.-Rev. George Cracroft, fellow of Lincoln college; John Clerk Jenkins, Lord Crew's exhibitioner, Lincoln college; rev. Thomas Winter, Lord Crew's exhibitioner, of Lincoln college; John James Strutt, Oriel college; Francis Salt, Christ church; George Burmester, Baliol college; rev. Ellis Roberts, scholar of Jesus college; rev. Thomas Wynne, some time fellow of St. John's college.

BACHELORS OF ARTS.-Edward Morgan, St. Alban's hall; Richard Anderson, Queen's college; Herbert Beaver, scholar on Mr. Mitchell's, or New Foundation, Queen's college; Henry Labouchre, Christ church.

On Thursday last, William Best, B.A. of Brasenose, was admitted Master of Arts.

April 21.-On Thursday, the 12th inst. the rev. Hugh Nicholas Pearson, M.A. of St. John's college, was admitted Bachelor and Doctor in Divinity, Grand Compounder; and the rev. Charles Goddard, M.A. of Christ church, and Archdeacon of Lincoln, &c. was admitted Bachelor of Divinity, Grand Compounder.

On Saturday, the 14th instant, the last day of Lent Term, the following degrees were conferred:

MASTERS OF ARTS.-John Thoyts, Esq. Brasenose college; Henry Forster, student of Christ church; William Adams, scholar of Trinity college; rev. John Henry Hume, Baliol college; William Browne, Queen's college; John Edward Willis, demy, of Magdalen college; rev. William Rees, Pembroke college; rev. Thomas Richard Ryder, Pembroke college; Richard French Laurence, scholar of Pembroke college.

BACHELOR OF ARTS.-William Leader Maberly, Brasenose college, Grand Compounder.

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Also, Mr. F. Martin, of Trinity col lege, and Mr. Edward Baines, of Christ college, were elected scholars on Dr. Bell's foundation.

April 21.-Messrs. John Heathcote, of St. John's college; Edward Lawton, of Clare hall; and Thomas Bates, of Queen's college, were on Friday last admitted Bachelors of Arts.

BERKSHIRE.-Died, in the 83d year of his age, the rev. Frederick Dodsworth, D.D. senior canon of Windsor, rector of Spenithorne, and perpetual curate of Cleasby, Yorkshire.

CORNWALL. — Died, at Week, St. Mary, the rev. Edward Baynes, M.A. rector of that parish, and formerly fellow of Sidney-Sussex college; B.A. 1774,

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POLITICAL RETROSPECT.

THE bill for Catholic Emancipation has been rejected in the House of Lords by a majority of thirty-nine, and the nation is once more at liberty to contemplate this important measure, not as a blessing, or a misfortune, which is fixed and inevitable, and with which we have nothing more to do than to enjoy or to endure it, but as a plan which, after thirty years discussion, is still crude, and undigested; which, though it has obtained the sanction of a trifling majority in the House of Commons, is probably as far from passing as ever. Of the grounds on which the bill was supported and opposed, we shall not dwell, because we could only repeat, with diminished effect, what has been urged with so much force and success by Lords Liverpool, Eldon, and Mansfield, and by the Prelates, whose speeches are reported in our preceding columns. But it may not be altogether useless to bestow a few words upon a question which is often asked, and has not yet been satisfactorily answered; viz. Why are ministers divided upon so momentous a measure; and why do statesmen, who agree upon no other topic, coalesce in supporting the late bill?

The men who turn their whole attention to the popular branch of our constitution, and are not able to perceive the dangers which have repeatedly threatened the throne, are the natural and consistent sup

porters of Catholic Emancipation. They think that the government is already too strong, and consequently are not unwilling to weaken one of its main supports, the Church. They are allied more or less closely to the great body of the Dissenters; they preside over the Society for protecting Religious Liberty, and they intend to repeal the Test-laws as soon as they are able. We can therefore understand why men of opposition politics, and opposition principles, should sacrifice their old whig antipathy to the Pope of Rome, at the shrine of modern li berality and indifference. But it is not to such persons as these that the Catholics are indebted for their majority in the House of Commons. The house has repeatedly refused to be governed by their councils; and when they attempted to force the measure in 1806, the nation rose, as one man, and put an end to the project. The supporters, therefore, by whom the Catholics are really strengthened, are that large and very respectable body of the ordinary friends of administration, who are satisfied with our existing institutions, but imagine that they will not be affected by admitting Catholics to power. And how this opinion can co-exist with the other well known sentiments of the gentlemen by whom it is entertained, we are certainly at a loss to imagine. If, however, we were called upon to explain the manner in

which the amalgamation was brought about, and two sets of contradic tory principles introduced into the same mind, we should say that the phenomenon originated with Mr. Pitt, and that it is his authority which has misled so many of his friends and followers. He was trusted so implicitly, both by individuals and the public, that no dan. ger was apprehended from a scheme which had received his approbation. The most eloquent of his disciples, Lord Grenville in the House of Peers, and Mr. Canning in the House of Commons, have been energetic advocates of his plan; and their patronage has secured the decided support of some, and weakened the conscientious opposition of many more. It is thus that the measure was enabled to reach its present stage. The nation did not demand it,—the Catholics were not prepared to receive it; the very fathers of the bill were taken un awares, and when they had obtained a majority were unprovided with an enactment. For their bill was sent to the Lords in a state of pitiable confusion; and the Peers, who defended it most warmly, admitted that alteration was indispensable,

and that a committee should enquire whether alteration were practicable. To what cause then shall we attribute the encouragement which such a bill has received? to an undue reliance, first, upon the authority of Mr. Pitt; and, secondly, upon that of friends and disciples. Mr. Pitt never publicly advocated Catholic Emancipation; and the public are consequently ignorant of the grounds on which he would have defended the measure, and of the limitations with which he proposed to accompany it. All we know is, that the scheme had his approbation; and we cannot but suspect, that a scheme which was at vari

ance with the whole scope of his domestic policy, must rather have arisen from a desire to affect the Union with Ireland, than from a well-grounded conviction that it was in itself desirable and safe. In the state in which the sister island then was placed, he might reasonably have thought that nothing but an Union could save it; and would, of course, be disposed to look with a favourable eye upon the grant which was demanded as its price. Being unable to make good the bargain, he resigned his place and his power; but he never afterwards urged the completion of it as indispensable, or even as expedient:-and when his followers rely upon his authority for the removal of Catholic disabilities, they rely, first, upon a private opinion; secondly, upon an opinion which never was acted upon; and thirdly, upon an opinion which in all probability was produced by very important and very honourable, but still extraneous considerations. We do not wonder however at the stress which is still laid upon that opinion; we can sympathize with those who venerate the memory of Mr. Pitt, and his friends are not inexcusable even if they embalm his errors. But it is not necessary that the public should follow their example. This example has not been followed by the mass of the public; and the decided though temperate expression of public opinion, and the manly declaration of the Duke of York, that he had been born and bred in his present sentiments, and hoped he should die in them, we trust that they may afford shelter to the Constitution until the storm has passed, and the inconsistency of their present conduct has been discovered and owned by those who are destroying with the left hand all that they are supporting with the right.

NOTICE TO CORRESPONDENTS, C. P., W., and H. Cotton, shall appear.

THE

CHRISTIAN

REMEMBRANCER.

No. 30.]

JUNE, 1821.

SINCERITY NO EQUIVALENT TO

THE TRUTH.

Of the general value of sincerity in the common affairs of life, and more especially in our religious conduct, there can be no question. Without it, as we all know, the warmest professions of friendship, and the most solemn engagements are empty and worthless-without it, our piety, however fair in its outward shew, and set off with the strictest observance of rites and ceremonies, is but a wretched hypocrisy, useless to ourselves and insulting to the majesty of heaven. Can we then, it may be asked, estimate its value too highly? I answer that we may-and that we do estimate it too highly, when we make it an equivalent to the truth itself. Sincerity is confessedly of very high importance; but are we hence to conclude, that it is all in all? Because sincerity in the profession of the true religion is indispensible to our salvation, is it to become a matter of indif ference of what religion we are, of what communion or denomination, or whether we are of any religion, any communion, or denomination whatever, provided we be but sincere in our opinions? Is man on the most momentous of all questions, to suffer his thoughts to follow just where his caprice and fancy may lead, and hope to shelter his extravagancies under the plea of sincerity? Is the care of our heavenly Father to communicate his REMEMBRANCER, No. 80.

[VOL. III.

will to mankind, so beautifully described in the Scriptures, by his sending his servants the Prophets, "rising up early, and sending them"-are all his admonitions to his chosen people to walk steadily in his statutes-are all the doctrines and precepts and promises of the Gospel-nay, the very shedding of the precious blood of the ever blessed Son of God come but to this, that a man may be equally safe with or without them? And yet what is this but a fair statement of what was, and, I fear, is still but too prevalent an opinion amongst us.

Let a man now-adays, deny the Divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ-let him broach the most unheard of doctrines-let him dissent from a pure and Apostolical Church, in which he has been born and educated, and hitherto passed his life-let him be of this or of that communion, or of no communion whatever; still forasmuch as he follows his conscience, however uninformed and biassed, and consequently however unfit a judge in such a matter his conscience must be; forasmuch as he is secure in his profession, and secure of his own integrity, he has nothing, we are told, to fear from the divine displeasure, however great and fundamental may be his errour; he has every thing to hope from the divine favour, even tho' he may have placed himself out of the covenant of promise. Yet surely, where the truth is within our reach, it is not enough for us to

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