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Sancroft more sented as having been at the very especially, though he had neither height of popularity in the years the commanding genius and dignified that preceded the Revolution. At intrepidity of Laud, nor the inde- which time the doctrines that had fatigable zeal and versatility of Bur- been preached by the Clergy for net, was better calculated to make five and twenty years, were precisely a perfect English Bishop than either the same as those which they teach of them, He might not have de. at the present hour. They were fended himself with the spirit and companions, or had been pupils of promptitude, and eloquence, of the Hammond, Taylor, Pearson, and one, who in extreme old age, and Bull-and there was neither Calvinafter two years close imprisonment, ism nor Socinianism in the Church. silenced his accusers by the demon- The recent triumphs of dissent had stration of bis innocence, and ex- opened the eyes of the people, and cited the admiration even of Prynne the value of sound churchmanship himself; nor could he have mingled was generally understood. We like the other with statesmen and beartily wish that we could
the courtiers, mediating and explain- same at present, not merely of the ing between kings and queens, and mob of ecclesiastical thinkers and governing them by his conciliating talkers, but of some who aspire to manners and plausible conversation. the direction of the public mind. But like Burnet he was esteemed They would not then tell us that and preferred, although he did not the Clergy can only become popular flatter, and like Laud, he would by forswearing and forsaking the have laid his head upon the block Whole Duty of Man: nor should with the humility of a pious Chris. we hear in the confident tone in tian and the majesty of an inno. which the words now vibrate in our cent man, though he was desti- ear, that methodistical regeneration tute of the ambition by which such is the only key to the hearts of the a fate is generally produced and people. The people had hearts in sustained.
James the II.'s time, and they read Of Archbishop Sancroft, and of Hammond and Taylor—the Clergy the non-jurors of whom he became anti-calvinistic, universally the chief, we have much more to and systematically, and while the say; but our remarks must be de- meeting houses were decaying, the ferred to a future opportunity. For churches were crowded. These are the present we shall conclude by an facts; and if the reader require a observation which has forced itself commentary, we refer him to the repeatedly upon our attention while lucubrations of Dr. Chalmers. reading the volumes before us, and other works upon the same subject.
(To be continued.) The Church of England is repre
Society for Promoting Christian Society for the Propagation of the Knowledge.
Gospel. THE Anniversary Dinner of this The Society have resolved, at the Society will be held on Tuesday, the recommendation of his Majesty's 5th of June; his Royal Highness Government, to convert the sum of the Duke of York in the chair. 5001. which they had voted towards
the erection of a Church at Cape every blessing which the Constitution asTown, to the erection of a Church sares to the mass of their fellow-subjects, at Graham's Town, in the New the upfettered enjoyment and free dispos
sition of their property, protection from Colony of Algoa Bay.
personal injury, and the equal adminis.
iration of law. And if at that point I PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
stop short, and resist their admission to We present our readers with reports power, it is from sincere apprehension of of the speeches of the Bishop of danger to the institutions of a Protestant
State. Nor has any hostile feeling a London and the Bishop of Chester place in my inind. Í admit, I must in upon the motion for the second justice admit, the general respectability reading of the Roman Catholic Bill; and loyalty of the Catholic body. In and we trust they will be found Great Britain, their demeanour has, for more faithtul than those that have
more than a century, been exemplarily appeared already in the papers. The peaceable and orderly; and if there has
been agitation in Ireland, I am sensible Bishop of St. David's also spoke on
that allowance is due to the peculiar cirthe same side of the question; but cumstances of that country; for which, we are compelled, by want of room, however, I conceive, that no wisdom of to omit his speech. The Bishops parliament, or prudence and moderation of Peterborough, Llandaff, and Kil- of government, much less such a measure laloe rose at different times during as this, could provide an immediate the debate, but were unable to ob
What, then, is the ground of my obtain possession of the house.
jection? It is that religions principke, The Bishop of London said, it is not which requires implicit submission to the my intention to follow the noble earl who authority of their Church, and unlimited spoke first on this question, throngh the devotion to its interests. Their Church, various arguments, by which, ou the one I need not inform your Lordships, asserts side, he has maintained the expediency a right of dominion exclusive of all conof the concessions which this measure currence : she recognizes no other auwould grant to the Roman Catholics, thority, nor even claim to the title of a and on the other, deprecates the secu Church, besides her own : she assumes an rities taken; which, having undergone absolute power over the consciences of many alterations, are now, it appeare, men, forbidding the exercise of their reaagain to be altered, and will hardly be sou, regarding any expression of doubt rendered by any modification satisfac or suspense of assent to her decisions as tory to those from whom they are re criminal contumacy, and requiring the aid quired. But having on former occasions, of her members, as opportunity serves, when this momentons question has beeu in advancing ber influence and power. agitated, expressed my dissent by a silent Whatever may be the opinion or conduct vote, I am anxious, at a time when it of individuals, I apprehend this to be the comes before your Lordships in a shape doctrine of the Church, anthenticated by which demands your most respectful at. genuine documents, and avowed without tention, to state some of the reasons scruple by the most able and orthodox which, after the maturest reflection, with of their clergy. The obligation of this a conscientious desire of fulfilling iny duty to the Church is identified with duty duty, induce me to persevere in opposi- to God, and is therefore considered as tion to the measure, both in its general prior and paramount to every other obliprinciple, and in its present form,
gation; and if such is its character, it In the first place, my Lords, I must follows, of course, that no contract, prodistinctly disclaim any illiberal or hostile mise,' or oath, which clashes with this feeling. My opposition does not originate obligation, is binding on conscience, or in intolerance." I am disposed by feeling lawful; and every such engagement, lowas well as by principle, to allow to men ever solemn in form, or precise and exof every persuasion, the free exercise of plicit in terms, contains a tacit reservatheir religion, without molestation or hin tion in favour of this prior obligation. drance, while its doctrines and ordi. This is no calumny on the Catholic. A Dances have nothing repognant to mo- reservation of this nature is implied in rality or decency, or destructive of social every oath ; a salvo of duty to God perorder. To the Catholics, as well as to vades every human engagement. But the others, I would extend participation in Protestant simply reserves his duty to
God; the Catholic compounds with his ligion. You expect the sovereign to act duty to God his duty to the Church, and by advice, and you place men in his takes the will of the Church for the rule council, who lie under a temptation of and measure of that duty. And hence it conscience to offer advice, which can will follow, not,--as has sometimes invi- neither be given nor followed without diously been argued, that a Catholic is crime and danger. And while you disnot to be credited on his oath, but that allow a Catholic king, you allow of in estimating the value of his oath, atten. Catholic governors representing his pertion must always be paid to the extent son, invested as ordinaries with the ecand effect of this reservation. If he clesiastical authority of the crown, and knowingly swears in derogation of the exercising its jurisdiction and patronage, rights of the Church, he is guilty of a not, like the sovereign, through the intergrievous sin ; if unknowingly, his con vention of a responsible minister, but im. science is unhappily snared; but in neither mediately and personally; and that, in case, may the oath, which is in itself un- places remote from domestic controul, lawful and null, be lawfully kept. The and where, from my official connections, abase of this principle has led to much I have reason to know, that the national sophistry in reasoning, and much bad religion stands often in need of all the faith in action : the subject undoubtedly support which can be derived from the opens a wide field of distinction and argu countenance of a friendly government. ment: but I hasten to the single conclu On this particular point my feelings are sion (less strong than is warranted by the more than ordinarily strong. premises) that no Catholic, whether lio. Lordships knew the state of the colonies nest or not in intention, can bind himself as I do, the tendencies to evil that wonld to any engagement so decidedly at va be strengthened, the tendencies to imriance with this duty to the Church, as provement that might be crushed, by the support of a Protestant Establishment. governors hostile or even indifferent to
This consideration, my Lords, weighs the Protestant Faith, you would never mnch on my mind : it weighed, I believe, sanction a measure, which could by poson the minds of those eminent statesmen, sibility lead to appointments so fatal to who directed the counsels of Parliament its interests. Not only in the colonies, at the time of the Revolution. They indeed, but in the whole system of goverucould find no security for the religion or ment at home and abroad, the introducliberties of the country, but in making tion of so strange an anomaly would be the fabric of government throughont and followed by confusion, discord, and jeacompletely Protestant; disqualifying all lousy, if not more serious evils. But, my Catholics for the exercise of power, and Lords, when I turn from the general adtaking the most effectual means to ensure ministration of the empire to the contheir exclusion from all situations of pub- sideration of Ireland, I see cause of still lic trust and authority. And why? be- greater alarm. Of the particular dangers cause power, under the influence of the which threaten the Protestant Church in principle I have mentioned, in a country that island, should this measure pass into like this, would infallibly act in the long a law, I presume not to speak, in the prerun to the injury of our existing establish sence of those who have the advantages, ments. The necessity of such a precau which I do not possess, of local observation is admitted, by the framers of this tion and knowledge. But, forming my bill, in the case of the King : his liberty judgment on general principles and doof conscience in the choice of his faitli torious facts, I cannot look without apis sacrificed to the safety of the consti- prehension on such a change in its retution. Why give to the subject the con lative situation, so large and sudden a fidence we refuse to the sovereign ? But transfer of power and influence to an ad. the chancellors of Great Britain and verse party. I abstain from predictions Ireland, and the lord-lieutenant of Ireland which I trust would be frustrated by the are still to be Protestants; and why not over-ruling wisdom of Providence; but, members of parliament, privy-counsellors, humanly speaking, I should regard the and governors abroad? I take these par: passing of this bill as alarmingly ominous ticular instances, on account of the glar to that brancb of the Established Cbureh. ing incongruity which they involve. You My lords, I am aware of the disadvanrefuse to a Catholic the powers of the tages ander which I am speaking, in op. executive sovereignty; you allow him a position to persons of the highest ability, share in the legislative, and make him a as well as unquestioned integrity and atparty in the enactment or rejection of tachment to the Church, who see in this laws which concern the Protestant re. measure an effectnal cure for all the dis,
sensions of the sister island. And I can. without gratifying the wishes of the Co not deny, that the argument for conces. tholic Clergy in their utmost extent. And, sion would be strong, if it would have the if my reasoning is correct, it applies in all edect of allaying the irritation of the Ca- its force to the measure immediately betlsolics, and preventing their farther de- fore us. The bill very properly combines mands. But what is there to justify an the two objects of giving satisfaction to expectation of this kind? We know that the Catholic and security to the Protest. little alteration could be made by conces ant. In fact, it concedes to the Catholic sions, however extensive, in the actual laity almost all they can venture to ask, condition of the Roman Catholic popula- and takes security from the Catholic Clergy tion. The body at large would obtain no against the abuse of this indulgence. The sensible addition of confort, or wealth, by clergy are alarmed and offended: you have the removal of disabilities, which concern their remonstrances on your table: and only the higher classes of the Jaity; and thus, the instantaneous effect of a meaexperiencing none of those advantages sure avowedly conciliatory in its object, is which they probably expect from emanci- to irritate the feelings and excite the inpation, they would of course remain as dignation of a body of men, whom, on acdiscontented as before, unless they were count of their influence on the popular taught to be satisfied by those on wliom mind, it is peculiarly desirable tu propi. tliey are used to rely for the direction of tiate. The Protestant, on the other hand, their opinions and feelings. Now these will hardly be satisfied that such a controut we know are their clergy; of whom I over the Catholic priesthood, though it speak with all possible respect; but re may be vexatious, will be effective even garding them as men,- men honest in upon them,--much less that it will obviate principle, yet subject to human passions, the dangers which he apprehends from the -I can never believe that they will con admission of their laity to power. tentedly relinqnish the hope of restoring On this part of the subject, allow me, their church to that eminent station which my lords, to say a few words. If it is prothey are firmly persuaded helongs to it by per so far to alter our laws as to recognize divine right, and is injuriously withheld a Catholic Hierarchy, and legalize its infrom its possession by an intrusive and un tercourse with the Pope, we may fairly rehallowed nsurpation. In this canse, am quire some check on the nomination of bition and interest would in their minds be Bishops and Deans, some power of reguidentified with sense of daty. And can fation, to prevent even the suspicion of we imagine that, with such incentives to improper communications from Rome. If action, they would forbear to work with rebellion were apprehended in Ireland at the power which the attachment of their a time when we were on bad terms with Rocks, and still more the anthority of their the Pope, such powers might perhaps be office, have placed in their hands? Con- of use. But the danger we apprehend from version wonld thus be the signal of con concession is not in open rebellion; it is flict, and not the seal of peace. Complaints rather in the changes which in process of of oppression, degradation, and insult, time may be wrought in the constitution would again be re-echoed from every part by the policy and influence of the Roman of the island. Pretensions, which are now Catholics, when they have obtained an imdiscreetly repressed, would then be ad- mediate concern in the legislation and go. fanced in Parliament: they would be vernment of the empire. For this, no wis. forced on the representative by his consti- dom of man could provide an adequate retrents, to the satisfaction perhaps of the medy. Coold we restrain the priesthood giddy and factions, to the disturbance of in Ireland from abusing their spiritual the wise and peaceable, who get must power for political parposes, and rescue yield in the end to the imperijos power the fainilies of the Catholic laity from the from which they hold their political exist. yoke of their confessors, or their youth ence. The atgaments for these ulterior from the schools of the Jesuits, the predemands would soon be as familiar to your tensions of the church would still form a lordships, as those wbich are at present urg. difficulty, which could only be palliated by ed in favour of limited concessions: and, abjaration of any foreign authority inconwhatever might be their reception in par- sistent with the duties of a subject. Such liament, they would excite much stronger oaths are always objectionable, because Sensations, and more active sympathies, in necessarily ambiguous in their terms. the Catholic population of Ireland.
The Catholic, whose honesty would shrink Sach, my lords, are the results which I from an engagement which he knew to be should expect from any scheme of conces invalid and uplawful, may be entrapped siop adapted to the views of the laity, by ambiguous language. I request your
REMEMBRANCER, No. 29.
lordships' attention to one clause of the I will trouble the house no longer. But oath required by this act..." And I do your lordships will doubtless observe, that declare, that no Foreign Prince, Person, even the friends of the Catholics admit the Prelate, State, or Potentate, bath, or inexpediency of conceding their claims, ought to have, any Jurisdiction, Power, without that sort of security, which the Superiority, Pre-eminence, or Authority, clergy are most unwilling to grant. If, Ecclesiastical or Spiritual, within this therefore, we resolve on concession, we are Realm, that in any manner or for any reduced to the alternative, either of making purpose conflicts or interferes with the concession without any adeqnate security, duty of full and undivided allegiance, which or of exacting securities which the resistby the laws of this realm is due to his Ma ance of the parties on whom they are jesty, his Heirs and Successors, from all forced will compel us eventually to aban. bis subjects, or with the civil duty and don. In this extraordinary state of emobedience which is due to his courts, civil barrassment, we have a substantial proof and ecclesiastical, in all matters concern of the impracticability of satisfying the Ca. ing the legal rights of his subjects, or any tholics, with due regard to the public of them.” To determine the sense of this safety ;-a consideration, which should indeclaration, requires not only a knowledge duce us to pause, before we consent to deof the mutual limits of civil and spiritual molish the barriers raised by our ancestors authority, but an intimate acquaintance for the preservation of a Church, which with the power of our courts, ecclesiasti- they had established by so many, sacrifices cal and civil, which few Protestants, and and struggles. By their pious and rational still fewer Catholics, have. Who, for in- policy, the liberties of the nation were in stance, will tell me what are the powers separably connected with the profession assumed by the Pope in regard to the con of a pure religion; and the soundness of
tracting or dissolving of marriages, dispen- their judgment is seen in the blessing of • sation of oaths, and the temporal conse Providence on their councils. Your lord
qnences of excommunication; and how far ships, I trust, will not be induced by inthey are reconcileable with the ordinances, genious argument or powerful eloquence, usages, and statutes of this realm? And to undo what they have done; to venture here I beg leave to cite the illustrious Cla. on a dangerous experiment, which leaves rendon, whose expressions I willingly sub us without remedy, if it fails; or to break stitute for my own.
in upon that tried system of policy, which “ They who conceive that the Pope has bitherto secured to the country the hath a temporal and spiritual power, in enjoyment of every blessing, intellectual, England, must explain what the full intent moral, and social, in a degree altogether of that power is, that the king may disco., unparalleled in the history of any former yer whether he hath enough of either, as period. to preserve himself and the peace of the kingdom: and they who persist in his hav The Bishop of Chester said, that it was ing a spiritual power, as most of the inost with reluctance he ever rose to trouble moderate Catholics do, without imagining their Lordships at all. On a question, that it can in the least lessen their affection however, which appeared, to him at least, and loyalty to the king, which they do really to involve the credit, the interest, if not intend to preserve inviolable, must as the vital existence of the Church of Eng. clearly explain and define what they un land and Ireland, he felt himself imperiderstand that spiritual to be; which may ously called upon to address them. His otherwise be extended as far as the former opinions were the result of a very mature intend the temporal and spiritual shall and anxious deliberation. For, after he extend: nor in truth can they be secure had a seat in that House, he foresaw that of their own conscience, of which they he should have to vote on that very imthink themselves in possession, until they portant question. He therefore consifally know from those who entangle them dered the arguments for and against it; with distinctions, what that spiritual power he weighed them in the balance of the is, and what submission they are bound to sanctuary: and the result was, that he felt pay to it; which seeming to be some obli- himself called upon, as a Protestant, and gation upon their conscience, it is fit as a Bishop, to dissent from the second they may be sure it cannot involve them reading of the bill, and indeed to oppose in actions contrary to their duties, which every measure which might tend at prethey can hardly be secure of, and less sa sent to promote Roman Catholic emancitisfy others, till they absolutely disclaim pation. His reasons for so doing he would any power to be in him at all, with refer- state as briefly and as clearly as he possibly fence to England.”