mediately. Do you, Mr. Editor, or your able friends, devise some counteraction to this dangerous evil. PHILACRIBOS. To the Editor of the Remembrancer. THE attention of Churchmen is Sir, Yours very faithfully, HAVING given you, in a former Letter, a sketch of the origin and constitution of THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROTECTION OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY, its proceedings remain to be investigated and shall be the subject of this and two following letters. No institution can be imagined of a more harmless character than the Society under examination, if respect only be had to the resolutions published at its institution as the rules for its future government. Its very title, as explained by Mr. Wilks (Evan. Mag. June, 1812, p. 246,) was significative of the conceding spirit of its founders; that Some letters in your late Numbers, To the Editor of the Remembrancer. adverting to the Romish Establishment at Stoneyhurst, are well calcalated to alarm us and open our eyes; and the contents of a report now before me are such as in my humble opinion to merit insertion in your excellent publication: for danger, if danger there be, should be distinctly seen, in order to be guarded against. The Report in question, is printed at Liverpool, and entitled, "The Catholic Chapels and Chaplains, with the number of their respective Congregations, in the County of Lancaster, as taken at the end of 1819." The totals are 77 chapels, containing congregations amounting to 73,500 persons. I have no data enabling me to judge how far there has been an increase of Roman Catholics in that county within any given time; probably such information may be in the possession of yourself or some of your correspondents. Liverpool is stated to contain four chapels, six chaplains, and congregations amounting to 18,000. Manchester two chapels, four chaplains, and 15,000. Preston two chapels, four chaplains, and 6000. The district round Stoneyhurst is, as may be expected, particularly thronged with Papists. Blackburn... Ribchester Clayton Hall. . . . . . . 1200 400 400 .... REMEMBRANCER, No. 28. they determined in these times, not to agitate the country by requiring their CIVIL rights, but to be content with protecting their RELIGIOUS liberty; i. e. that they were even more moderate in their intendments than the old board of Dissenting Deputies, now to be merged in their comprehensive body. In further demonstration of the same spirit, they publish it as their resolved purpose, to be "mild, though firm, in their remonstrances," when their rights are invaded, and to act not merely legally, but temperately, in the protection which they afford. Not satisfied with these pledges of Ff their inoffensiveness and moderation, they further covenant "not to embarrass any administration, assume political importance, or menace any opponents by ostentatious displays of numbers or of influence," (Evan. Mag. July, 1811, p. 282,) and they also declare themselves "resolved, (Mr. Wilks, in this instance, being the guarantee of the resolution,) not to become the tools of any political party, but to conciliate the esteem, and invite the support of the existing government, and of all illustrious men in both Houses of Parliament, who are friendly to civil and religious freedom." (Evan. Mag. June, 1812, p. 246.) The last resolution is that which I shall have immediate occasion to advert to, as the one which has real meaning in it, and has actually proved the sheet-anchor of the institution. It too plainly appeared, from the success of that manoeuvre played off against Lord Sidmouth's Bill-the covering the floor of the House of Lords with upwards of 300 petitions collected in a couple of days from various dissenting congregations-and from the language held by Government on that occasion, that conces sion was the order of the day in that most important department; and that an intercourse opened here by agents duly accredited from the whole dissenting body, who could happily temper demonstrations of conscious importance with a delicate fur-pawed approach, would more materially aid their strides towards power, by a few occasional strokes of dextrous diplomacy, than all their other means of aggrandizement combined. The Society, therefore, is no sooner formed, than we find its secretaries in "correspondence"" with Mr. Secretary Ryder and Mr. Perceval, on various subjects intimately connected with the rights and welfare of Protestant Dissenters," and a Deputation from its Committee holding "interviews" with the latter gentleman. (Evan. Mag. June, 1812, p. 241.) Amongst the reported subjects of these interviews, one is an interference with the discipline of the army, in which they "remonstrate" with the Premier upon the punishment of three soldiers for absence from barracks to attend a prayer-meeting, and, as is alleged, obtain an expression of his disapproval of the "persecution," and his promise to prevent its recurrence. (Ditto, p. 243.) The subject of another is the Charter of the East India Company, into which, upon its renewal, they perceive it to be their duty “to endeavour to obtain the insertion of provisions which shall secure to suitable instructors power to evangelize the nations of the East;" and here again they obtain a pledge from Mr. Perceval that he will afford" to all Missionaries the same rights of residence as are conferred on those who, for commercial purposes, visit those distant regions." In this instance, indeed, Mr. Wilks does admit that the Committee did hesitate "whether such an effort was compatible with the objects of their establishment;" this, however, was only momentary, for a stream of benevolent considerations, which he details, rushing in upon their minds, dissipated their hesitation. (Ditto.) But the chief subject of conference and correspondence, during the first year of the Society's existence, was the Toleration Act, which having limited the "ease" which it affords" in the exercise of religion," to the scruples of conscientious persons, and therefore only exempted from penalty those teachers who made at least pretence to ordination, or had some specific congregation attendant upon their ministry, was not (as the Committee of Privileges of the Wesleyan Methodists candidly intimate) " adapted to the present state of religious society," in which scruples are imposthumated into "unalienable rights," and the office of religious teaching is held to, be open to mankind in general, or às Mr. Wilks expresses it," to all who aspire to preach," (Ditto, p. 245,) without any other licence than a sufficient measure of presumption and vain conceit in the persons charging themselves with that responsibility. (Wesleyan Circular to Superintendants, July 31st, 1812.) In this instance also, the Society's agents received from Mr. Perceval what Mr. Wilks might well designate a "frank and liberal reply," as it was an expression of " his conviction that Parliament ought to interfere to protect the Dissenters;" i. e. to legalize their universal ministry," and of his inclination to ensure to them all the relief which the counteracting prejudices of other persons would permit him to recommend." (Evan. Mag. June, 1812, p. 246.) The fulfilment of this promise was prevented by his atrocious assassination; but a new administration was no sooner formed, than the Committee renewed their applications, and concession still continuing the favourite policy, before the Session closed, they were gratified with the passing of an Act framed in concert with the Wesleyan Methodists, and in conformity with their joint suggestions; upon a principle (as the latter parties describe it,) common to all Dissenters," which let loose upon the public, "teachers of Sunday schools, students, probationers, and itinerants," (Ditto, p. 244,) to traverse the country without controul, from village to village, scattering the seeds of dissention systematically as they advanced, and emboldened to any calumny or outrage against the established religion and its ministers, by which the bond of Christian unity might be broken, and its very traces destroyed. The following comparative view of the old and new Toleration Acts, will shew the increased facilities given to religious licentiousness by the latter statute. By the old Act, no person could preach in any place of dissenting worship, till it was both certified to either the Bishop's or What the Society thought of this exploit in diplomacy, may be gathered from the terms in which it is spoken of in their Reports. On the first communication of it to the dissenting body, it is said of the Committee who had achieved it, that "during the past year, they had effected more for the domestic security of religion than had been obtained during the whole of the past century." (Evan. Mag. July, 1813, p. 281.) Dr. Bogue of Gosport, re-echoes this sentiment, but increases the estimate to "several centuries," instead of one. (Evan. Mag. May, 1814, p. 244.) Mr. Collinson of Hackney, goes yet further, and pronounces "the toleration expanded by it to an unprecedented extent," (Evan. Mag. June, 1815, p. 263,) and, in a communicative moment, this most significant of all disclosures respecting it is made,— that some country congregations were ceasing to take an interest in the Society, from the presumption that "with the attainment of the new Act its necessity terminated.” Archdeacon's courts, or to the Quarter Sessions, and registered, and a certificate of registry given; by the new Act, the mere certifying of the place is all-sufficient. By the former Act, only five persons could meet together besides a man's own family, without having the place registered; by the latter Act, the number is extended to twenty persons, who may meet without even certifying the place of meeting. By the former Act, no person could preach till he had taken the oaths, which could only be taken at the Quarter Sessions; by the latter, any one may preach without having taken them, but is merely liable to be called on once to take them, if required in writing by one Justice, whose requisition is nugatory beyond the distance of five miles. By the former Act, only " persons dissenting from the Church of England, in holy orders, or pretended holy orders, or pretending to holy orders, or being preachers or teachers to congregations of dissenters," could insist upon taking the oaths; by the latter, any Protestant, whether preacher or otherwise, whether member of the Church of England or dissenter, may require a Justice to administer them, and grant a certificate. (Evan. Mag. June, 1813, p. 284.) This, however, as the stigma affixed to it by the Society intimates, was, in their account, only presumption, a grovelling conceit, the offspring of "apathy" in the cause of dissention: and, in the face of all the above declarations; and on the anniversary on which Mr. Cockin, of Halifax, had borne his public testimony to the "mildness of the laws," and the "very tolerant" administration of the government; (Instructor, May 13, 1815,) and in the very string of resolutions in which the kind compliance of the King's Ministers with the applications of the Committee, is recorded, they actually record it also, that the new Act," which had, in fact, thrown down every fence by which the Church of England was protected from their invasions, had gone no farther than "to DIMINISH their causes of complaint;" Mr. Wilks having previously expatiated to the Meeting upon the degrading fetters, which even in England, continued to be imposed upon Dissenters, and which he hoped would finally be broken." (Evan. Mag. June, 1815, p. 260, 261.) ciety's statement be correct, the justice of the principle is acknowledged, and the refusal to act upon it made as palatable as possible, by being grounded upon inexpedience and impracticability;" and by the accompanying promise to communicate" to the deputation any clauses which might be introduced; and to receive with attention any alterations conformable to their (the government's) principles which the deputation should suggest." (Evang. Mag. July, 1813, p. 282.) Accordingly the "conciliating" and "invitatory" system above developed, proceeds, and that no suspension of intercourse with government may take place from a failure of topics of discussion, the East India Company's Charter is again brought upon the carpet, and made the occasion of an interview between the Earls of Liverpool and Buckinghamshire, and a deputation from the Committee; and here again the" attention and urbanity" of these noble leaders of administration is made matter of ostentatious eulogy; and though the deputation receive a negative as to the extent of their demands, viz. the unqualified exposure of India" to pious men of every sect," to propagate what doctrines they please amongst its benighted inhabitants; yet if the So Domestic grievances furnish the next pretext for keeping alive these conciliatory communications. Meeting houses are included in parochial assessments, on the ground that being lucrative concerns they are justly rateable to their proportion of the public burthens, in common with all other productive property". This, however, is construed into PERSECUTION, not so "obnoxious" from" the amount of the assessment," as from "the principle" involved in it, and the " exposure of the trust deeds, the developement to vulgar curiosity and to hostile magistrates, of every part of the receipts and expenditure of Dis. That meeting-houses are a very profitable concern, the following advertisement from THE TIMES of January 12, 1821, sufficiently demonstrates. "Chapels.-Gentlemen and Ladies dis posed to subscribe towards the Building of Chapels in London and its vicinity, are requested to communicate their intention, post-paid, to X. X., at Messrs. Baynes and Son's, booksellers, 23, Paternoster-row, N.B. The subscribers will form a commitfor their money, and to point out situa tee of management, be allowed 8 per cent. tions eligible for chapels, more than 50 of which are wanted in and near town. The Liturgy to be used in them may be had of Messrs. Baynes and Son, as above, price 2s." It is, moreover, known to the writer of this letter, that a gentlemen, not 100 miles. municative moments upon his money spe from Milk-street, Cheapside, in his comculations, makes no secret of his large investments in meeting-houses, aud of their yielding him an interest of 10 per cent. senting and Methodist congregations." (Evan. Mag. June, 1816, p. 3. at the end.) The Society's sheet anchor is immediately resorted to, and as the report states, "by the advice of government" and the instrumentality of Mr. Vansittart," a general clause of exemption is introduced into a bill for amending the Poor Laws," then before Parliament. This bill is lost, "the just and equitable clause," in question, encountering, as we are informed, "great opposition." In this instance government had only advised without taking a decided part in the measure. They were not, however, to be let off with this retired sort of countenance. "The Committee," as the Report proceeds, " became convinced that the avowed interposition of government would most effectually promote their success." (Evang. Mag. June 15, p. 259.)" Its (the. Committee's) powerful influence" had been felt and acknowledged by government in a former instance, "the enlargement of religious liberty;" and that influence having acquired by conCession a large accumulation of power, was not to be disparaged by a reserved countenance now that it was put forth again to obtain new legal protections, to repel and crush newly devised modes of persecution." (New Evang. Mag. June, 1815, p. 182.) Accordingly as the former report proceeds, the Committee "prevailed upon the present administration kindly to introduce a bill to exempt Churches, Chapels, and other places of religious worship, and places appropriated to gratuitous instruction, not only from assessments to the poor, but from all parochial rates;" and as equally kind promises of support were obtained from the principal members of the OPPOSITION, a successful result is stated to have been confidently hoped for: and Mr. Wilks in one of those fine touches of the pathetic with which he is so well known to diversify his anniversary orations, tunes the affections of his auditory into the proper key of "additional gratitude," which upon their anticipated success, would be due "to that Divine Protector, who had so conspicuously prospered the past endeavours of the Committee, and crowned them with his benediction." Evang. Mag. June 15, p. 259. Whilst this matter is pending a new occasion of conference with Ministers is discovered by the Committee, which can only be adequately stated in their own words, as one of their reporters has preserved them. Referring to the last mentioned negotiation, which is described as an "important and elevated spot of their ascendency," the statement proceeds, "they have not stopped even at this." "They have prayed government to give instructions to their ministers at the Congress at Vienna, to strive to gain an enlargement of religious liberty on the Continent;" and if the Committee may be credited, even in this instance they obtained not merely a patient but a favourable hearing, for they report that their pious and earnest solicitations have not been wholly in vain." (New Evang. Mag. June, 1815, p. 182.) Presumption such as this, would soon be restrained from nothing that it imagined to do, if some check were not given to its arrogant pretensions. Such a check the Society now received, for the POORS' RATE EXEMPTION BILL-" the important and elevated spot of their ascendency," as in the exuberance of their security in its enactment they are pleased to designate it, sunk from under them, too outrageously exorbitant in its demands to bear Parliamentary investigation and instead of the Secretary's projected thanksgiving, this requiem is chaunted explanatory of its fall; that "the mismanaged interference of another Committee; the exertions of the violent Tory and high Church party; and dis |