fo much my own as Henry's fentiments which I communi⚫cated to her; and fhe gave me to understand as much, by ⚫ confeffing that they appeared so just and reasonable to her, that she could not avoid adopting them: adding only, that there was one point on which all the parties could not be too 'foon agreed, which was, that the ultimate view of the in'tended combination being to confine the power of the House of Auftria within juft bounds, it would be neceffary that each of the allies fhould fo proportion all his defires or ' expectations, which he might conceive in confequence of the event, as that none of them might be capable of giving umbrage to the reft: fuppofing, for example, that Spain 'fhould be deprived of the Low Countries, neither the whole nor any part of this State was to be coveted, either by the King of France, or the King of Scotland, who would one day become fo of Great Britain; nor yet by the Kings of • Sweden and Denmark, already fufficiently powerful by fea ⚫ and land, to make themselves respected by the other allies; ⚫ and that the fame conduct ought to be obferved with regard to all the other spoils that might be taken from the House of Auftria, by thofe Princes whofe dominions fhould happen < to be nearest to the conquered countries; "For if my bro"ther, the King of France," said fhe, fhould think of mak"ing himself proprietor, or even feodal Lord of the United Pro"vinces, I should never confent to it, but entertain a most vio"lent jealousy of him; nor should I blame him, if, giving "him the fame occafion, he should have the fame fears of me.

6

These were not the only reflections made by the Queen of England; fhe faid many other things, which appeared to me so just and fenfible, that I was filled with astonishment and admiration. It is not unusual to behold Princes form

great defigns; their sphere of action fo forcibly inclines them to this, that it is only neceffary to warn them of the extreme, which is, the projecting what their powers are so little proportioned to perform, that they fcarce ever find themselves able to execute the half of what they proposed; but to be able to diftinguish and form only fuch as are reafonable; wifely to regulate the conduct of them; to forefee and guard against all obstacles, in such a manner, that when they happen, nothing more will be neceffary, than to apply the remedies prepared long before. This is what few Princes are capable of. Ignorance, profperity, luxury, vanity, nay, even fear and indolence, daily produce schemes, to execute which there is not the leaft poffibility. Another cause of furprize to me, was, that Elizabeth and Henry • having

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having never conferred together on their political project, 'fhould agree fo exactly in all their ideas, as not to differ even in the moft minute particulars.'

From the above extracts it may appear, that the prefervas tion of the ballance of power, how chimerical foever it may fometimes be efteemed, has long employed the thoughts, and directed the views of fome of the wifeft Princes that ever reigned. This grand defign, projected between Henry and Elizabeth, was, by her Majefty in this conference with our Author, reduced to these five principal points. The first was, to restore Germany to its ancient liberty, in respect to the election of its Emperors, and the nomination of a King of the Romans. The fecond, to render the United Provinces abfolutely independent of Spain; and to form them into a Republic, by annexing to them, if neceffary, fome provinces difmembered from Germany. The third, to do the fame in regard to Switzerland, by incorporating • with it fome of the adjacent provinces, particularly Alface and Franche-Compté. The fourth, to divide all Chriften• dom into a certain number of powers, as equal as may be. The fifth, to reduce all the various religions in it under those three which should appear to be moft numerous and • confiderable in Europe.'

This project, however plaufible in fpeculation, was never actually carried into execution: nor, indeed, was it poffible that it ever fhould, without fuch an effufion of innocent blood, as would fcarce be expiated by any political confiderations whatfoever. Befides, the death of Queen Elizabeth, which happened anno 1603, was an infurmountable obftacle to the execution of a defign, in which fhe was to have borne fo confiderable a part. The death of this great Queen (Memoirs, vol. II. p. 155.) was an irreparable lofs to Europe, and to Henry in particular, who could not hope, in the fucceffor of Elizabeth, to find the fame favourable difpofition to all his defigns as he had in this Princefs, the irreconcileable enemy • of his irreconcileable enemies, and a fecond felf: such were the terms which Henry made ufe of in a letter he wrote to me on this event, which was almoft wholly filled with the praifes of this great Queen, and expreffions of sorrow for •her lofs.'

After the death of Queen Elizabeth, Henry was defirous of bringing her fucceffor, James I. into his own views; for which purpose Sully was fent Ambaffador into England, and had many conferences with the King and his Minifters upon that fubject; but as an account has already been given of this

Embaffy

Embaffy in the fourth volume of our Review, p. 409, we fhall not repeat it here, but refer our readers thither; where they will alfo find a fhort fketch of Henry's grand political defign, the explanation of which takes up the whole thirtieth book of Sully's Memoirs. But as an entire ftop was put to the execution of that defign, by the untimely death of the Great Henry, who was ftabbed in his coach by Ravaillac, May 17, 1610, we fhall add nothing more upon that fubject, but refer for a complete account thereof to the work itself, which abounds with fuch a profusion of political knowlege as will amply compenfate for all the time spent in a careful perufal, and proper digeftion, of its valuable contents,

The Character of Henry, as drawn by the pen of Sully, may probably be thought the moft proper conclufion of our Review of the Life of a Prince, who has had the title of GREAT univerfally afcribed to him. After advertising his readers not to expect a particular relation of that execrable crime, the murder of Henry, from him, in whom the thoughts of it were attended with fuch horror, that he turned his eyes as much as poffible from the deplorable object, and his tongue refufed to pronounce the name of that abominable monfler, who perpetrated the horrid act; he adds

Such, however, was the tragical end of a Prince, on whom nature, with a lavifh profufion, had beftowed all her advantages, except that of a death fuch as he merited. His • ftature was so happy, and his limbs formed with such pro" portion, as conftitutes not only what is called a well-made man, but indicates ftrength, vigour, and activity; his com' plexion was animated; all the lineaments of his face had that agreeable livelinefs which forms a sweet and happy phyfiognomy, and perfectly fuited to that engaging eafinefs of manners, which, tho' fometimes mixed with majefty, never ⚫ loft the graceful affability, and eafy gaity, fo natural to that great Prince. With regard to the qualities of his heart ⚫ and mind, I fhall tell the reader nothing new, by saying, that he was candid, fincere, grateful, compaffionate, generous, wife, penetrating; in a word, endowed with all those great and amiable qualities which in these Memoirs he has fo often had occafion of admiring in him. He loved all his fubjects as a father, and the whole state as the head of a family: and this difpofition it was, that recalled him even from the midst of his pleasures, to the care of rendering his people happy, ❝ and his kingdom flourishing: hence proceeded his readiness in conceiving, and his induftry in perfecting, a great num

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• ber

:

*ber of useful regulations; many I have already specified [in the courfe of thefe Memoirs] and I fhall fum up all, by faying, that there were no conditions, employments, or profeffions, to which his reflections did not extend; and that with fuch clearnefs and penetration, that the changes ⚫he projected could not be overthrown by the death of their ⚫ author. It was his defire, he said, that glory might influC ence his last years, and make them, at once, useful to the world, and acceptable to God: his was a mind, in which the ideas of what is great, uncommon, and beautiful, seemed to rife of themfelves: hence it was, that he looked upon adverfity as a mere tranfitory evil, and profperity as his natural ftate. He had drained fens, in order to a greater work than any he had yet undertaken; which was, to make, by canals, a communication from fea to fea, and from river to river; he wanted only time to complete his noble project.

I fhould deftroy all I have now faid of this great Prince, if, after having praised him for an infinite number of qualities well worthy to be praifed, I did not acknowlege that they were ballanced by faults, and thofe, indeed, very great. I have not [in thefe Memoirs] concealed, or even palliated, his paffion for women; his attachment to gaming; his gentlenefs [which] often carried him to weakness; nor his propensity to every kind of pleasure: I have neither dif guifed the faults they made him commit, the foolish expences they led him into, nor the time they made him wafte: but I have likewife obferved, to do juftice on both fides, that his enemies have greatly exaggerated all these errors. If he was, as they fay, a flave to women, yet they never regulated his choice of Minifters, decided the deftinies of his fervants, or influenced the deliberations of his council. As much may be faid in extenuation of all his other faults. And to fum up all, in a word, what he has done is fufficient to fhew, that the good and bad in his cha⚫racter had no proportion to each other; and that fince honour and fame have always had power enough to tear him from pleafure, we ought to acknowlege them to be his great and real paffions.'

Inftitutes

(

Inftitutes of Natural Law, being the fubftance of a course of lectures on Grotius de Jure Belli & Pacis, read in St. John's College, Cambridge. By T. Rutherforth, D. D. F. R. S. Archdeacon of Effex, and Chaplain to her Royal Highness the Princess Dowager of Wales. Volume the Second. 8vo. 78. Innys, &c.

OR an account of the First Volume of this work, we refer our Readers to our Review, Vol XI. p. 293.

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In the first volume were explained, the rights and obligations of mankind, confidered as individuals: but in this fecond volume, Dr. Rutherforth proceeds to take another view of those rights and obligations, by confidering man, not as an independent, folitary individual, but as a focial Being, united to fome community. And, indeed, human nature is fo little fitted to find ease and fecurity, much less pleasure and happiness, in folitude, that it is no less urged by its wants, and need of mutual fuccour, than prompted and impelled by benevolent affections, tender propenfities, and the love of beauty and order, to form itself into focieties, and contribute all it can to the advancement of a general good.

The Doctor, in his firft chapter, which treats of focieties in general, obferving, that a fociety may fometimes be founded in property, even when the members of it have unequal fhares in the joint ftock; cites the opinion of Grotius, that each perfon's vote, in regard to the management of affairs, fhould, in that case, be estimated, not upon the footing of equality, but exactly in proportion to the share that each has in the capital. But he remarks, that altho' this seems to be equitable, yet reason is on the other fide, fince there is no more likelihood that a man fhould judge rightly about the management of fuch ftock, because he has ten fhares in it, than there would be, had he only one.

Were we to affume the decifion of this contefted point betwixt Grotius and our Doctor, we fhould incline to declare in favour of the former. For altho' we admit, with the Doctor, that wealth cannot, merely as a poffeffion, improve a man's understanding, or endow him with a fuperiority of judgment; and therefore ought not, confidered precisely in this view, to raise the authority of any one man above that of another, or make his vote of more importance than another's: yet allowing the man who has a fuperior fhare of property to be of equal capacity as to intellectual abilities, and of equal worth as to moral, with the man of less property in the fame