The Political History of the United States of America, During the Great Rebellion: Including a Classified Summary of the Legislation of the Second Session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, the Three Sessions of the Thirty-seventh Congress, the First Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, with the Votes Thereon, and the Important Executive, Judicial, and Politico-military Facts of that Eventful Period; Together with the Organization, Legislation, and General Proceedings of the Rebel Administration; and an Appendix Containing the Principal Political Facts of the Campaign of 1864, a Chapter on the Church and the Rebellion, and the Proceedings of the Second Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress
Philp & Solomons, 1865 - 653 עמודים
מה אומרים אנשים - כתיבת ביקורת
לא מצאנו ביקורות במקומות הרגילים
מהדורות אחרות - הצג הכל
agreed to—yeas Ambrose W amendment Amos Myers Ancona arms army arrest Asahel W authority Benjamin F bill Blair Brown Chandler Charles O'Neill citizens civil Clark command Committee Confederate Congress Convention Court Crittenden Davis Dawes declared Department district Dixon duty Edward election Executive Eyck Federal follows force Fort Sumter Francis fugitive slave Grimes habeas corpus Hale Harlan Harris havo Henry Winter Davis hereby House insurrection James John Johnson Kellogg Lane of Kansas Legislature Leonard Myers loyal ment military Missouri Morrill Nats—Messrs nays officers Orlando Kellogg peace persons Pomeroy proclamation proposition rebel rebellion resolution Rice Rollins Samuel secession Secretary Senate Sherman slavery South Carolina Sumner territory thereof tho Constitution tho Government tho President tho United Thomas tion treason Trumbull Virginia vote Wade Washburn William William G William Kellogg Wilson writ of habeas Yeas—Messrs
עמוד 113 - At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government upon vital questions, affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.
עמוד 230 - In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth.
עמוד 340 - If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it ; if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union : and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.
עמוד 112 - The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government...
עמוד 152 - I may add at this point that, while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress.
עמוד 77 - No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize, or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State.
עמוד 184 - Texas by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshals by law...
עמוד 233 - That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any state, or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and forever free...
עמוד 111 - Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that " the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States?